Peace and social structure
In: Essays in Peace Research, Vol. 3
In: PRIO Monographs, 7
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In: Essays in Peace Research, Vol. 3
In: PRIO Monographs, 7
World Affairs Online
In: papers of chair in conflict and peace research 18
In: Essays in Peace Research, Vol. 1
In: PRIO Monographs, 4
World Affairs Online
In: World Marxist review, Band 32, Heft 12, S. 20-21
ISSN: 0266-867X
In: World Marxist review, Band 31, Heft 3, S. 132-137
ISSN: 0266-867X
In: New left review: NLR, Heft 218, S. 138-150
ISSN: 0028-6060
Since the signing of the September 1993 Oslo I agreement, the Israel-Palestine "peace process" has been punctuated by a series of dramatic developments. The purpose of this article is to assess their significance. First, the September 1995 Oslo II agreement, the definitive document for the interim period until a final settlement is reached, is examined. Next, the likely outcome of the "peace process" is examined. Finally, it is suggested that, contrary to widespread belief, the recent victory of Benjamin Netanyahu will not substantively affect the process set in motion at Oslo. To clarify the issues at stake, the article will refer to two illuminating critiques of Oslo I, Edward Said's Peace and its Discontents and Meron Benvenisti's Intimate Enemies. A close reading of Oslo II reinforces the judgments of those two authors to the effect that the essence of the Oslo agreements is that, in the words of Said, they gave "official Palestinian consent to continued occupation.". 37 References. T. K. Brown
In: Studia Universitatis Babeş-Bolyai. Studia Europaea, Band 67, Heft 1, S. 241-267
ISSN: 2065-9563
"What are the reasons for the failure of the ""peace agreements"" signed by the protagonists of the ever-revolving Congolese conflict? The signing of peace agreements, the presence of foreign forces and the presence of international armed troops have not prevented the armed conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (since 1996) from continuing. The application of the texts of the various agreements concluded between the states of the region to put an end to the insecurity that reigns there is slow, which is why they often become inoperative because they are not applied at the appropriate time. A lasting peace in the DRC does not seem to be within reach, especially in the next few years. The deployment of peacekeepers in the country at the beginning of this new millennium seems to be planned for a long-term anchorage in the DRC. In spite of this UN mechanism, the country continues to suffer under the weight of insecurity due to this war that does not say its name. The vicious circle is thus complete: conflict calls for the presence of UN forces, which are unable to curb the insecurity. A long-term presence in the DRC in the heart of Africa seems inescapable. Keywords: accord de paix, négociation, violence, conflit, résolution, ressources naturelles "
In: Friedens- und Demokratiepsychologie Bd. 6
In: GMU Working Paper in Economics Forthcoming
SSRN
Working paper
In: Foreign affairs, Band 12, Heft 1, S. 567
ISSN: 0015-7120
In: Foreign affairs, Band 6, Heft 1, S. 357
ISSN: 0015-7120
In: International journal of academic research in business and social sciences: IJ-ARBSS, Band 8, Heft 4
ISSN: 2222-6990
In: The world today, Band 50, Heft 7, S. 123
ISSN: 0043-9134
In: Global Politics and the Responsibility to Protect
Introduction -- The responsibility to protect at 15 -- High-level panels -- Rwanda, Kosovo and the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty -- From the right to persecute to the responsibility to protect : feuerbachian inversions of rights and responsibilities in state-citizen relations -- From humanitarian intervention to R2P : cosmetic or consequential? -- R2P after Libya and Syria : engaging emerging powers -- R2P's structural problems : a response to Roland Paris -- The UN Secretary-General and the forgotten third R2P responsibility -- Protection gaps for civilian victims of political violence -- Atrocity crimes and global governance -- Retrospect and prospect.