Cover -- Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Chapter 1 Introduction: The Perfect Business? -- Part I Global Perfections: The Idealized Discourse of Trafficking -- Chapter 2 Do Traffickers Have Navels? -- Chapter 3 The Market Metaphor -- Part II Local Imperfections: On-the-Ground Realities and Ambiguities -- Chapter 4 Teens Trading Teens -- Chapter 5 Hot Spots and Flows -- Chapter 6 Profitable Bodies? -- Part III Betwixt and Between: The Anti-traffickers -- Chapter 7 Combating Trafficking, Mekong Style: Tales of Fishponds and Mushrooms -- Chapter 8 The Drifters: Anti-traffickers in Practice -- Conclusion The Tenacity of the Market Metaphor -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Index -- About the Author.
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AbstractFake news is a symptom of deeper structural problems in our societies and media environments. To counter it, policymakers need to take into account the underlying, self-reinforcing mechanisms that make this old phenomenon so pervasive today. Only by taking a step back can we examine the vulnerabilities these fake news narratives exploit. This article provides a first taxonomy of anti-fake news approaches. It argues that proposed anti-fake news laws focus on the trees rather than the forest. As such, they will not only remain irrelevant but also aggravate the root causes fuelling the fake news phenomenon.
This article contributes to greater understanding of the forces that shaped the prosecution of Wehrmacht anti-partisan warfare at the level of divisions in the field. The article explains the approach to anti-partisan warfare of the divisional command of the 369th Infantry Division and compares it with the approach of other divisional commands which operated in the same region of Yugoslavia during early 1943. In doing so, it highlights the particular importance of the troops' level of fighting power, and of the formative life experiences of divisional commanders during the First World War, in shaping conduct.
Occupy hunger -- The charity trap -- The politics of corporate giving -- The conflicted nature of SNAP -- Federal food programs as engines of economic democracy -- Who's at the table shapes what's on the menu -- Innovation within the anti-hunger movement -- Innovative models from outside the anti-hunger field
In the UK, there is evidence of a recent increase in anti-abortion activism outside clinics. In response, abortion service providers have called for the introduction of 'buffer' zones to protect women from 'harassment' while accessing abortion services. Drawing on two datasets – extensive ethnographic fieldwork, and a content analysis of clinic client comment forms – we deploy Goffman's concept of 'civil inattention' to further our understanding of the material practice of anti-abortion clinic activism. We find that although anti-abortion activists understand their own actions to be supportive, practices of religious observance outside clinics inescapably draw attention to the site and to the act of accessing healthcare, inherently challenging normative expectations of privacy and confidentiality. Our analysis suggests that anti-abortion activism outside clinics consequently violates social rules governing encounters with strangers in specific places and reinforces gendered hierarchies. As such, they are often experienced as acts of gendered harassment.
This article draws on primary focus group data from the UK to offer three contributions to recent debate on the impact of anti-terrorism measures on citizenship. First, it presents a qualitatively rich account of citizens' own perspectives on this relationship. Second, it explores the significance of ethnic identity in relation to public attitudes. Finally, it traces the implications of anti-terrorism initiatives upon multiple dimensions of citizenship including participation, identity and duties as much as rights. The article argues that citizens from a range of ethnic minority backgrounds, and thus not only Muslims, believe that anti-terrorism measures have directly curtailed and diminished their citizenship. This is in contrast to white participants who, while not untroubled about the impact of these measures, generally viewed this as a concern distanced from their everyday lives. This difference suggests that anti-terrorism measures may be contributing to a condition of disconnected citizenship in the UK.
In the context of global capitalism the so-called developing countries are considered 'commodities' in offer in the global economy as emerging markets or for foreign investment. Countries need to show they are potentially highly competitive with low risk. The value of country characteristics is set by globalised managerial discourses, based on postcolonial ideologies that rate cultures and societies in terms of linear notions of progress and civilisation. Cultures and behaviours are judged positively or negatively according to the position countries supposedly have in the evolution of world society. In this framework one element that countries need to eradicate or reduce in order to be seen as 'attractive' is corruption. Towards this aim international and national government and non-government organisations have put in place anti-corruption campaigns. In communications with the general public, these schemes represent actors and acts of corruption through discursive strategies that characterize world cultures and their links with corruption in terms of postcolonial ideologies. In this paper I focus on the implications of the metaphor 'culture of corruption' for rating countries, questioning its effectiveness in anti-corruption campaigns. I argue that anti-corruption instruments based on postcolonial ideologies corrupt representations of national cultures and peoples behaviours, instead of targeting local and global sectors that gain from institutionalised corruption. Through the analysis of anti-corruption cultural texts publicly available in Mexico I illustrate how the ideological misrepresentation of corruption fails its stated aim, to transform a 'culture of corruption' into a 'culture of legality'.
In the context of global capitalism the so-called developing countries are considered 'commodities' in offer in the global economy as emerging markets or for foreign investment. Countries need to show they are potentially highly competitive with low risk. The value of country characteristics is set by globalised managerial discourses, based on postcolonial ideologies that rate cultures and societies in terms of linear notions of progress and civilisation. Cultures and behaviours are judged positively or negatively according to the position countries supposedly have in the evolution of world society. In this framework one element that countries need to eradicate or reduce in order to be seen as 'attractive' is corruption. Towards this aim international and national government and non-government organisations have put in place anti-corruption campaigns. In communications with the general public, these schemes represent actors and acts of corruption through discursive strategies that characterize world cultures and their links with corruption in terms of postcolonial ideologies. In this paper I focus on the implications of the metaphor 'culture of corruption' for rating countries, questioning its effectiveness in anti-corruption campaigns. I argue that anti-corruption instruments based on postcolonial ideologies corrupt representations of national cultures and peoples behaviours, instead of targeting local and global sectors that gain from institutionalised corruption. Through the analysis of anti-corruption cultural texts publicly available in Mexico I illustrate how the ideological misrepresentation of corruption fails its stated aim, to transform a 'culture of corruption' into a 'culture of legality'.
Anti‐Semitism represents one of the most penetrating forms of prejudice, yet social research has failed to address the causal underpinnings of the phenomenon. To this end, we empirically test the notion that anti‐Semitism builds on the legacy of the Holocaust. Standing as the benchmark for collective suffering, the Holocaust creates competition over recognition of the status of the victim. Upward comparisons between victimized ingroups with other victimized outgroups trigger social prejudice. Victimhood, thus, creates an antagonistic view of the Jews that, in turn, fuels anti‐Semitic prejudice. We test this theory using data from Greece—the European nation with the highest proportion of anti‐Semites—leveraging two survey experiments and a natural experiment. Our results confirm our theoretical expectations, showing that perceived victimhood fuels anti‐Semitism. The findings of our research carry important implications for dealing with anti‐Semitism and for combating various forms of outgroup prejudice.
Vietnam's struggle against corruption is stuck for a long period regardless of the recognition of the global trillion-dollar pandemic as "internal enemy to national development". There is a shortage of vision, insights, innovative methods and political will for change. Exacerbating this problem, corruption research in Vietnam was mainly quantitative, policy oriented, project-based, or sector-focused while qualitative and academic insights of cultural conditions and social construction of corruption is underestimated. Considering the problem, this PhD study analyses the cultural and institutional conditions comparatively for Vietnam and Singapore, in search for the best applicable anti-corruption practices. Singapore is the best choice to reflect most clearly how different visions of development, capitalism and socialism, with similar national contexts of Confucianism, colonial heritage and pre-modernity conditions, can lead to opposite measures and achievements of anti-corruption. Research findings confirm that Vietnamese cultural and formal institutions interplay in spreading corrupt practices. The key institutional determinants are the authoritative political system, inefficient public governance, weak law enforcement and rule of law, weak civil society and censored press that hinder transparency, accountability, leading to bear opportunities, to loosen rewards and to reduce the costs for corruption. On the other side, common tolerance on corruption as a solution for social transactions, and transitional "social value disorder" nurture corrupt practices. A conditioned radical-system-change resolution, through knowledge transfer, is required if Vietnam wants to transform itself like Singapore in response to corruption. More specifically, the Vietnam's reforms bear winners and losers through widening inequality gaps and injustice due to the emergence of minor illegitimate "new rich", rent-seeking public officials at the expense of the majority of poor, vulnerable groups such as voiceless and land-losing farmers. A strong requirement is for the rule of law, good governance, transparency, accountability, and a general integrity in public sector.
