Suchergebnisse

This study investigated to examine the relationship between information asymmetry and government ownership to dividend policy. Information asymmetry is measured using bid-ask spreads, while government ownership is measured using the number of government shares divided by the number of outstanding shares multiplied by 100 %. This study uses purposive sampling with a total sample of 9 sub-companies construction and building listed on the Indonesia Stock Exchange (ISE) in 2016-2019. The data used is quantitative data and data sources were taken from the company's annual financial statements. Descriptive statistics and panel data regression are used as data analysis tools. The results showed that information asymmetry has a positive and significant effect on dividend policy, government ownership does not have a significant negative effect on dividend policy, and the interaction of information asymmetry and government ownership moderates the dividend policy.

This study evaluates aspects of newspaper reporting about death penalty cases and capital defendants. In a content analysis of newspaper coverage of a representative sample of 26 death penalty‐eligible defendants who were brought to trial in California, we found that articles tended to cite primarily from law enforcement and prosecutorial sources, focused very heavily on the characteristics of the crime, and omitted or de‐emphasized most other aspects of the case. News coverage generally failed to place the criminal behavior of the defendant in any social historical or contextual framework from which readers (as potential voters and jurors) could grasp the potential mitigating elements of the case. We conclude that newspaper coverage of capital crimes may influence public support for the death penalty, and undermine public appreciation of the role of social contextual factors in crime causation in general. It also may bias the perspective with which potential jurors approach specific capital trials and even contribute to the lack of instructional comprehension that has been found to plague the death sentencing process.

THIS STUDY EXAMINES THE WAY 10 MAJOR NEWSPAPERS "CONSTRUCTED" THE PRESIDENTIAL AND VICE PRESIDENTIAL DEBATES AND SPECULATES ON THE IMPLICATIONS SUCH CONSTRUCTIONS HAVE FOR THE POLITICAL PROCESS. SPECIFICALLY, THE ARTICLE EXAMINES BOTH VERBAL AND VISUAL METAPHORS USED BY THE PRESS SUCH AS THOSE BASED ON WAR AND AGGRESSION, SPORTS, GENDER AND AGE, THE OVERPROGRAMMED MAN, SHOWBIZ AND THE LIKE. THEN IT EXPLORES FOUR TENENTS OF SUCH AN APROACH IN ORDER TO ILLUMINATE SOMETHING OF THE WAY WE DEVELOP OUR POLITICAL "REALITIES."

La 4e de couv. indique : "Figure du nouvel ennemi de l'Occident, l'islamiste a supplanté le communiste de l'époque de la guerre froide de sorte que le sort du musulman aujourd'hui paraît aussi peu enviable que celui de l'homo sovieticus d'antan. Si aujourd'hui on assiste un peu partout à une instrumentalisation de la religion par des acteurs politiques locaux, dans le cas de l'islam cette instrumentalisation n'a pas été le seul fait des acteurs locaux, loin s'en faut. À cet égard, passé pourtant quasi inaperçu doit être souligné le rôle de chercheurs occidentaux se posant comme intellectuels organiques sans frontières, allant jusqu'à dévoyer le sens du terme "islamisme". C'est ainsi que nombre de jeunes Occidentaux de confession musulmane ont depuis leur naissance assimilé l'idée selon laquelle "islamisme" équivaut à "islam politique". Comme aujourd'hui d'aucuns ne se lassent pas de leur faire comprendre qu'islam et islamisme sont une seule et même chose, certains d'entre eux finissent par penser qu'à moins de renier leur religion, ils n'ont d'autres choix que d'assumer leur "identité d'islamiste". L'amertume du commun des musulmans atteint son comble lorsque celui-ci a l'impression que certains dirigeants des grandes puissances occidentales, obnubilés par des intérêts d'ordre mercantile et/ ou géostratégique à court terme, réservent un traitement de faveur aux représentants du wahhabisme dont la politique de transformation de l'islam mondial a généré et financé l'essor de mouvements djihadistes wahhabo-salafistes tels qu'al-Qaïda et Daech."

Objectives. This article develops & tests a concise multistage approach for assessing the impact of social construction on the implementation of public programs designed to benefit negatively constructed groups. The framework suggests that negative constructions lead to policy choices that create problems in the implementation process. These problems prevent the accomplishment of key subobjectives necessary for ultimate program success. Methods. We test the utility of the framework in an analysis of a key public health issue -- the spread of HIV/AIDS & tuberculosis in prisons. Despite great strides in the treatment & prevention of these diseases outside prison walls, the incidence & severity of both in the incarcerated population have increased dramatically over the last 5 years. We hypothesize that the problem of inadequate funding, arising from the negative social construction of this unique target population, is to blame. Results. In an analysis of 50 state correctional systems, we find that states with the most negative constructions of criminals & potential criminals spend dramatically less on inmate health relative to other states. Conclusions. Our analysis suggests that inadequate funding levels in states with negative constructions of criminals & potential criminals jeopardize the implementation of prison programs targeted at the prevention & treatment of HIV/AIDS & tuberculosis. 2 Tables, 1 Figure, 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

This book constructs and assembles American foreign policy through the use of Critical Security Studies discourse analysis and Orientalist descriptions of key actors within the Presidential administrations of Lyndon Baines Johnson through Ronald Reagan (1965-1989). The shah of Iran, Reza Pahlavi, and Iran as a nation served as a Orientalist construction for these administrations. In a sense, the shah was the 'good Oriental' : he modernized, he secularized, he kept his people pliable, if not free, and was in general sensitive and willing to take on the foreign policy goals of the United States. This book is a vital read for those that are interested in learning about how foreign policy making is conducted, how theories directly affect the process of foreign policy making, and finally, it directly addresses the questions many readers have about how the shah and Iran served US interests and the larger question of why the US uses autocratic proxies to pursue its nominally human rights and democracy-based goals. Students of foreign policy, Middle East studies, Critical Security Studies, and Iran experts alike can benefit from a historical deep dive on policy making. The internal conversations, diary entries, and previously classified documents and briefings, tell the story of how the US imagined Iran and why that ideational construction proved to be such a dominant and pernicious image for 26 years, the reverberations of which are still felt today in our modern conception of what Iran is and what Iranians can do through the lens of American foreign policy