Suchergebnisse

This article investigates collective bargaining trends in the German private sector since 2000. Using data from the IAB Establishment Panel and the German Establishment History Panel, it provides both cross-sectional and longitudinal evidence on these developments. It confirms that the hemorrhaging of sectoral bargaining, first observed in the 1980s and 1990s, is ongoing. Furthermore, works councils are also in decline, so that the dual system also displays erosion. For their part, any increases in collective bargaining at firm level have been minimal in recent years, while the behavior of newly-founded and closing establishments does not seem to lie at the root of a burgeoning collective bargaining free sector. Although there are few obvious signs of an organic reversal of the process, some revitalization of the bargaining system from above is implied by the labor policies of the new coalition government.

This article combines insights from historical research and quantitative analyses that have attempted to explain changes in incarceration rates in the United States. We use state‐level decennial data from 1970 to 2010 (N = 250) to test whether recent theoretical models derived from historical research that emphasize the importance of specific historical periods in shaping the relative importance of certain social and political factors explain imprisonment. Also drawing on historical work, we examine how these key determinants differed in Sunbelt states, that is, the states stretching across the nation's South from the Atlantic coast to the Pacific, from the rest of the nation. Our findings suggest that the relative contributions of violent crime, minority composition, political ideology, and partisanship to imprisonment vary over time. We also extend our analysis beyond mass incarceration's rise to analyze how factors associated with prison expansion can explain its stabilization and contraction in the early twenty‐first century. Our findings suggest that most of the factors that best explained state incarceration rates in the prison boom era lost power once imprisonment stabilized and declined. We find considerable support for the importance of historical contingencies in shaping state‐level imprisonment trends, and our findings highlight the enduring importance of race in explaining incarceration.

The new realities of the modern world have brought to the fore the need for more effective development of the existing international structures in the post-Soviet space. Such a specific developing formation as the Union State of Russia and Belarus (SGRB) is among them. Analysis of the SGRB activities at present stage (2019–2023) is the main research task of this article. Particular attention is paid to the prospects of the Union State, taking into account the modern international realities. They are sufficiently affected by the Russian Special Military Operation (SVO) in Ukraine, which was launched on February 24, 2022, and the accompanying unprecedent "wave" of sanctions initiated by the collective West against Russia and Belarus. Under these conditions, the very logic and functioning of the Union State have undergone significant changes, so that the coalition of the two states, which initially focused mainly on socio-economic interaction, began to increasingly acquire political and even military features. At present, the Union State highlights a number of serious projects in the sphere of financial, economic, social, and humanitarian cooperation. Although Russia and Belarus face many difficulties and contradictions in their cooperation within the framework of the international association created by them, their political and military interaction has become an important component of the Union State's activities. The SGRB represents to some extent a new segment of regional interaction and integration in the Russian Near Abroad. The analysis of different stages in the Union State development after 2019, when the 20th anniversary of the SUBR was celebrated, facilitates an overall assessment of the effectiveness of political integration processes in the post-Soviet space. The results of the study help to determine the possibility of using the Union State's experience to create new interstate associations in the territories of the former Soviet Union.

In this paper, the authors explore the notion of political corruption, starting from political parties and politicians as holders of this form of corruption. The causes of corruption are generally similar in all political systems and largely depend on the structure of incentives, the scope of opportunities, risks and consequences underlying its detection. The consequences of political corruption are numerous and far-reaching; they hinder the country's social progress and undermine citizens' confidence in the basic social values and norms. Although political corruption is more or less present in many countries, the paper provides an insight into political corruption in the USA and the measures undertaken to suppress it through the adoption and implementation of appropriate legislation.

"This political history studies the phenomenal growth of the modern British state's interest in collecting, collating and deploying population data. It dates this biopolitical data turn in British politics to the arrival of the Labour government in 1964. It analyses government's increased desire to know the population, the impact this has had on British political culture and the institutions and systems introduced or modified to achieve this. It probes the political struggles around these initiatives to show that despite setbacks along the way and regardless of party, all British governments since the mid 1960s have accepted that data is the key to modern politics and have pursued it relentlessly"--

The literature has identified that countries with higher levels of openness tend to present a larger government sector as a way to reduce the risks to the economy that openness entails. This paper argues that there are a number of policies that can mitigate trade-induced risks, many of which do not have the necessary implication of increasing public spending. Yet, many such policies require governmental capabilities not available to any country. For that reason, the relationship between openness and the size of government might be mediated by the quality of its public sector. While countries with weak government capabilities will tend to rely on spending expansions to deal with trade-induced volatility, countries with stronger governmental capabilities might address such challenges by more efficient and less costly means. The empirical analysis in this paper shows that the effect of openness on government consumption is mediated by the quality of government institutions.

AbstractThis Article argues that the cooperation obligations of the Member States under EU law are best understood as forming part of an overall duty of EU loyalty and elaborates on the consequences of framing it in this way. EU loyalty legally requires Member States to make the common EU interest their own. The Article further demonstrates that EU loyalty is more relevant and more stringently applied in EU external relations than within the EU legal order. Loyalty obligations of the Member States reach into the future, extend to hypothetical situations, and are at a comparatively high level of abstraction aimed to protect the Union's ability to act effectively on the international plane. This limits Member States' margin of manoeuvre, including when they take unilateral external action within the realm of their retained national competences. The Article explains that this may be functionally justified by the high stakes of non-concerted external action. However, and in particular with the EU's increased external powers and the ever-growing relevance of international cooperation, the stringent application of cooperation requirements should be (better) explicated and justified.