Suchergebnisse

For over 100 years, the German company network was a major feature of organized corporate governance in Germany. This paper uses network visualization techniques and qualitative-historical analysis to discuss the structure, origins and development of this network and to analyze the reasons for its recent erosion. Network visualization makes it possible to identify crucial entanglement patterns that can be traced back historically. In three phases of network formation - the 1880s, 1920s and the 1950s -, capital entanglement resulted from the interplay of company behavior and government policy. In its heyday, the company network was de facto encompassing and provided its core participants, especially the banks, with a national, macroeconomic perspective. In the 1970s, a process of increased competition among financial companies set in. In the 1980s and 1990s, declining returns from blockholding and increased opportunity costs made network dissolution a thinkable option for companies. Because of the strategic reorientation of the largest banks toward investment banking, ties between banks and industry underwent functional changes. Since the year 2000, the German government's tax policy has sped up network erosion. Vanishing capital ties imply a declining degree of strategic coordination among large German companies. ; Ausgehend von einer Kombination von Netzwerkvisualisierung und historischer Analyse werden in diesem Papier Struktur, Entstehung und Entwicklung des deutschen Unternehmensnetzwerks sowie die Gründe für seine Erosion diskutiert. Die Visualisierungstechnik ermöglicht die Identifikation auffälliger Merkmale des Netzwerks, die anschließend geschichtlich zurückverfolgt werden können. In den drei Phasen der Netzwerkentstehung - den 1880er, 1920er und 1950er Jahren - resultierten Unternehmensverflechtungen aus einem Zusammenspiel von strategischen Unternehmensentscheidungen und Unterstützung auf politischer Ebene. In seiner Blütezeit umfasste das Netzwerk die größten deutschen Unternehmen und führte dazu, dass die Banken im Verflechtungskern eine nationale, makroökonomische Orientierung entwickelten. In den siebziger Jahren setzte ein Prozess zunehmender Konkurrenz unter Finanzunternehmen ein. In den achtziger und neunziger Jahren machten sinkende Erträge aus dem Halten großer Aktienpakete und gestiegene Opportunitätskosten die Netzwerkauflösung zu einer strategischen Option. Wegen der Umorientierung der Großbanken zum Investmentbanking unterlagen Verbindungen zwischen Banken und Industrie einem funktionalen Wandel. Seit dem Jahr 2000 unterstützte die Bundesregierung die Netzwerkauflösung steuerpolitisch. Dieser Prozess resultiert in einer rückläufigen strategischen Koordinierung zwischen großen deutschen Unternehmen.

The biblical themes of exile, return, the blossoming of the desert and the promise of the land have been transformed to support Zionist nationalist policies of ethnic cleansing. Biblical and archaeological scholarship, itself, has contributed substantially to the de-Arabicisation of Palestinian toponymy, the understanding of the Bible's allegorical narratives as nationalist epic and an ethno-centric understanding of Palestine's ancient history.

Museums in Taiwan-as elsewhere-have always been embroiled in politicised debates over collective identity, both reflecting and helping to shape the contours of identity discourse. During the four decades of the Martial Law era, the Kuomintang (KMT) regime used museums as vehicles for its campaigns to nurture patriotic citizens of a "Republic of China" encompassing the entire Chinese mainland. However, with the onset of democratisation from the late 1980s, museums increasingly reflected and reinforced a strengthening consensus over Taiwan's historical and cultural distinctiveness, while also mirroring the considerable pluralism of popular identity consciousness. This trend was accentuated under the regime of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) after 2000, but 2008 witnessed the return to power of a KMT determined to establish warmer ties with China. This paper examines the extent to which the new regime's more accommodative approach to China has extended into the realm of museums, while considering whether developments within the sector, and within broader Taiwanese society, mean that museums are no longer quite the pliable tools of official cultural policy that they once were. (China Perspect/GIGA)

Includes bibliographical references and index

The personal archive of the celebrated Nigerian modernist painter Ben Enwonwu (1917–1994) reveals his understanding of the effects of colonialism on his own artistic and political identity, and his thoughts on the role artists should play in the anticolonial struggle. This paper brings together Enwonwu's thinking with that of more contemporary theorists to examine the connections between modernism, nationalism and decolonisation in the writing of Nigerian art history.

In the twenty years after 1945 both the United States and Britain created public funding regimes for social science, through the National Science Foundation (NSF) and the Social Science Research Council (SSRC) respectively. The historical and political contexts in which these institutions were founded differed, but the assumptions about social science concurred. This article uses archival sources to explain this comparative pattern. It is argued that the political context in both countries played a key role in the development of the two research agencies. In each country the need politically to stress the neutrality of social research – though for different reasons in each case – produced a bias towards positivist scientific methodology, untempered by ideology. This propensity created the trajectory upon which each country's public funding regime rests.

WHITE MOST GERMAN JURISTS REMAINED SCEPTICAL OF THE REPUBLIC, OR ACCEPTED IT GRUDGINGLY AS THE ONLY 'REASONABLE' THING TO DO, HELLER'S THEORETICAL INTERESTS DEMONSTRATE A CLEAR COMMITMENT TO WEIMAR. UNLIKE MORE RADICAL SOCIALISTS, HE ACCEPTED THE REPUBLIC'S POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS AS LEGITIMATE MEANS TO REALIZE A MORE JUST SOCIETY, AND IN CONTRAST TO THE DOMINANT MARXIST VIEW, HELLER'S IDEAL STATE UNDER THE CONDITIONS OF MODERN INDUSTRIAL SOCIETY WAS NOT THE DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT, BUT THE SOZIALER RECHTSSTAAT. AS WILL BE SHOWN BELOW, THE CONCEPT OF SOCIAL JUSTICE REALIZED WITHIN THE BOUNDARIES OF THE RECHTSSTAAT WAS ARTICULATED IN HELLER'S WORKS ON POLITICAL CULTURE AND THE WEIMAR CONSTITUTION. HELLER'S ANALYSIS OF ITALIAN FASCISM AND THE SOCIAL ORIGINS OF DICTATORSHIP CONFRONT, TOO, PERSISTENT PROBLEMS IN THE REALIZATION OF POLITICAL EQUALITY IN MODERN SOCIETIES.

Digitised version produced by the EUI Library and made available online in Open Access in 2021 for research or private study purposes ; Introduction : state and steel in Western Europe, Yves Mény and Vincent Wright -- The European iron and steel industry and the world crisis, Patrick A. Messerlin -- The politics of transatlantic steel trade, Hans Van Der Ven and Thomas Grunert -- Community policies on steel 1974-1982 : a case of collective management, Loukas Tsouklis and Robert Strauss -- Decision-making processes in the steel crisis policy of the EEC : neocorporatist or integrationist tendencies?, Thomas Grunert -- Steel policy in the U.K. : the politics of industrial decline, J. J. Richardson and G. F. Dudley -- The implementation of Britain's national steel strategy at the local level, S. Young -- The politics of the public sector steel in Italy : from the 'economic miracle' to the crisis of the eighties, John Eisenhammer and Martin RHODES -- Nuova Italsider - Taranto and the steel crisis : problems, innovations and prospects, Anthony C. Masi -- The nemesis of industrial patriotism : the French response to the steel crisis, Jack Hayward -- The local implementation of France's national strategy, Vincent Hoffman-Martinot and Pierre Sadran -- Longwy and Bagnoli : a comparative study of trade union response to the steel crisis in France and Italy, John Eisenhammer -- Overcoming the steel crisis in the Federal Republic of Germany 1974-1983, Josef Esser and Werner Väth -- The state, the regions and industrial redevelopment : the challenge of the Belgian steel crisis, Michel Capron

The United States, and the world, is in the grips of a coronavirus pandemic, and in the United States, we are facing a crisis of faith in the fairness of our political institutions, particularly the ability of Black Americans to live without the fear of dying at the hands of the police for going about their daily lives. Race has been and continues to be intertwined with American government and politics, in general, and how the United States approaches crises, in particular. Racial minority groups have been scapegoats for the failings of American policy makers to deal with numerous crises historically and at present. Race and racism are also at the foundation of the origins of American political science. The racism at the roots of our discipline's founding have created a blindness to the significance and importance of the field of Race, Ethnicity, and Politics (REP) to the study of politics, democracy, and how American society reacts during a crisis. Our discipline is also at an inflection point that requires us to acknowledge its racist origins, confront its continued influence on the present, and finally to move forward in recognizing the importance of REP to the health and future of the discipline.

This workshop was held as a follow-up to the written reports delivered as part of Work Package 6, on Political leadership, national politics and transboundary crisis management. It was designed to present the results of case studies on each of these three topics to practitioners in the field, both in terms of whether backsliding is the result of transboundary crises and whether it might in itself lead to or constitute a crisis for the EU; and to seek feedback and advice from said practitioners on how best to develop further research on the topic. The workshop reported on the three main tasks of Work Package 6: analysis of backsliding in the EU (both in terms of democracy and the acquis communautaire); analysis of the reasons for backsliding (including the extent to which it constitutes a response to transboundary crisis management in general and the financial crisis in particular); and assessment of the (crisis management) capacity of EU leaders to address the issue of backsliding and explore policy options. The discussion was designed to set the stage for and to inform the final work on dissemination under the TransCrisis programme, as well as the follow-up work that members of the TransCrisis team will do after the conclusion of the project. In order to secure an open, frank and informal exchange of ideas, the workshop was designed as a small gathering of expert practitioners in the field. The discussions were conducted under the Chatham House Rule1, and consequently this report summarises the main points raised in the discussion without attributing them to individual participants – be it the TransCrisis team or the practitioners.