EU foreign policy once existed in the form of the European Political Cooperation with only a limited political leverage and symbolic institutional underpinnings. In recent years rapid changes have occurred, including an expanding institutional apparatus, increased responsibility and growing demand for action. This book examines new approaches to the EU's foreign policy that address its rapidly changing character, presenting the newest theoretical perspectives and dealing with novel empirical developments. Rather than simply considering structural variations and changes in the agency o.
From Amsterdam and Tampere to The Hague: An Overview of Five Years of EC Immigration and Asylum Law -- ANNELIESE BALDACCINI AND HELEN TONER -- Part I Constitutional Issues in EU Migration Law -- 1 Citizens Without a Constitution, Borders Without a State: EU Free Movement of Persons -- ELSPETH GUILD -- 2 Effective Remedies in Immigration and Asylum Law Procedures: A Matter of General Principles of EU Law -- EVELIEN BROUWER -- 3 The Jurisdiction of the Court of Justice Over EC Immigration and Asylum Law: Time For a Change? -- STEVE PEERS -- 4 Impact Assessments: A Useful Tool for 'Better Lawmaking' in EU Migration Policy? -- HELEN TONER -- Part II Access to Asylum and Refugee Protection -- 5 The Asylum Procedures Directive in Legal Context: Equivocal Standards Meet General Principles -- CATHRYN COSTELLO -- 6 Directive 2003 -- 9 on Reception Conditions of Asylum Seekers: Ensuring 'Mere Subsistence' or a 'Dignified Standard of Living'? -- JOHN HANDOLL -- 7 Refugee Status and Subsidiary Protection under EC Law: The Qualification Directive and the Right to Be Granted Asylum -- MARÍA-TERESA GIL-BAZO -- 8 From Dublin Convention to Dublin Regulation: A Progressive Move? -- ANDREW NICOL -- 9 The External Dimension of the EU's Asylum and Immigration Policies: Old Concerns and New Approaches -- ANNELIESE BALDACCINI -- Part III Borders and the Enforcement of Migration Control -- 10 The Criminalisation of Migration in EU Law and Policy -- RYSZARD CHOLEWINSKI -- 11 Building a Community Return Policy With Third Countries: An Equal Partnership? -- CATHERINE PHUONG -- 12 Border Security in the European Union: Towards Centralised Controls and Maximum Surveillance -- VALSAMIS MITSILEGAS -- 13 Immigration Detention and the Common European Asylum Policy -- DAN WILSHERE -- Part IV Managing Legal Migration -- 14 The Long-Term Residents Directive, Denizenship and Integration -- KEES GROENENDIJK -- 15 The Family Reunification Directive: A Tool Preserving Member State Interest or Conducive to Family Unity? -- HELEN OOSTEROM-STAPLES -- 16 The European Union and Labour Migration: Regulating Admission or Treatment? -- BERNARD RYAN -- 17 Citizenship and the Expanding European Union: The Rights of New EU Nationals -- NICOLAS ROLLASON
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The aim of this contribution is to investigate the determinants of the cyclical position in some Baltics and South-Eastern European countries as well as peripheral European countries over the period 2000-2013. Specifically, we consider a sample of eight economies: Croatia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Romania for the sub-sample of Baltics and South-Eastern European economies; and Greece, Ireland, Portugal, and Spain for the sub-sample covering EMU peripheral countries
The aim of this contribution is to investigate the determinants of the cyclical position in some Baltics and South-Eastern European countries as well as peripheral European countries over the period 2000-2013. Specifically, we consider a sample of eight economies: Croatia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Romania for the sub-sample of Baltics and South-Eastern European economies; and Greece, Ireland, Portugal, and Spain for the sub-sample covering EMU peripheral countries
The aim of this contribution is to investigate the determinants of the cyclical position in some Baltics and South-Eastern European countries as well as peripheral European countries over the period 2000-2013. Specifically, we consider a sample of eight economies: Croatia, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland and Romania for the sub-sample of Baltics and South-Eastern European economies; and Greece, Ireland, Portugal, and Spain for the sub-sample covering EMU peripheral countries
In: Rensmann , L 2019 , ' Rethinking European Democracy after its Legitimacy Crisis : On Hannah Arendt and the European Union ' , Journal of European Studies , vol. 3-4 , no. 49 , pp. 217-238 . https://doi.org/10.1177/0047244119859179 ; ISSN:0047-2441
Against the backdrop of the European Union's contemporary legitimacy crisis, this article reconstructs Arendt's still largely neglected writings on European post-national democracy. Arendt approached the 'European question' as a fundamental question for the future of democracy and civil rights in a globalized age, and a necessity for moving beyond the European nation-state model of political organization after the horrors of Nazi totalitarianism. Her work hereby shifts the focus from today's much-lamented crisis of post-national democracy back to reflecting on the 'chronic crisis', contradictions and legacies of the European nation-state and of national sovereignty – a crisis that partly motivated the evolution of new European democratic beginnings in the first place. Moving beyond both national sovereignty and technocratic supra-national governance, Arendt's critique lies the foundation for post-sovereign models of European politics and provides a rich resource for rethinking the conditions, justifications and legitimacy of European democracy today.
The development of modern Ukraine as a legal, democratic, socially oriented state and the creation of a civil society is organically linked with the reform of the education system on a humanistic basis, the definition of a new strategy for education as a multicomponent and multi-vector system, which greatly shapes the future development of the Ukrainian state.At the current stage of Ukraine's development, the lack of civic consciousness of school youth, lack of awareness of the foundations of democratic citizenship, the importance and effectiveness of human rights institutions, the rule of law, and the role of youth in these processes are acutely felt. An important role is played by the question of the formation of a citizen, his civic culture, education in the legal, social and political fields. The problem of preserving the national pride and strengthening the patriotic sentiment of the student youth is acute.The purpose of the article is to consider the relevant domestic pedagogical experience and experience of leading democratic countries, in particular the European Union countries, about the effective process of forming the citizenship of a student as a civil society actress, a citizen-patriot of Ukraine, acting on the basis of national and European values. ; У статті аналізується проблема формування громадянськості учнів. Мотивується необхідність збереження почуття національної гордості, посилення патріотичних настроїв учнівської молоді, формування громадянина, освіченого у правовому, суспільному та політичному полі. Характеризуються основні виховні напрями країн Європейського союзу, з якими Україна має стійкі взаємостосунки і партнерські відносини. Категорія «громадянськість» конкретизується у педагогічному і соціально-педагогічному аспектах.
The development of modern Ukraine as a legal, democratic, socially oriented state and the creation of a civil society is organically linked with the reform of the education system on a humanistic basis, the definition of a new strategy for education as a multicomponent and multi-vector system, which greatly shapes the future development of the Ukrainian state.At the current stage of Ukraine's development, the lack of civic consciousness of school youth, lack of awareness of the foundations of democratic citizenship, the importance and effectiveness of human rights institutions, the rule of law, and the role of youth in these processes are acutely felt. An important role is played by the question of the formation of a citizen, his civic culture, education in the legal, social and political fields. The problem of preserving the national pride and strengthening the patriotic sentiment of the student youth is acute.The purpose of the article is to consider the relevant domestic pedagogical experience and experience of leading democratic countries, in particular the European Union countries, about the effective process of forming the citizenship of a student as a civil society actress, a citizen-patriot of Ukraine, acting on the basis of national and European values. ; У статті аналізується проблема формування громадянськості учнів. Мотивується необхідність збереження почуття національної гордості, посилення патріотичних настроїв учнівської молоді, формування громадянина, освіченого у правовому, суспільному та політичному полі. Характеризуються основні виховні напрями країн Європейського союзу, з якими Україна має стійкі взаємостосунки і партнерські відносини. Категорія «громадянськість» конкретизується у педагогічному і соціально-педагогічному аспектах.
The Nordic countries constitute an interesting laboratory for the study of differentiated European Integration. Even though Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden share some historical, cultural, socio-economic and political characteristics, all those countries have ultimately opted for a different kind of relationship with the EU. Whereas Finland, a member of the Eurozone since its inception in 1999, has been considered to be part of the Union's 'inner core' for quite some time, Iceland and Norway, in contrast, have opted to remain outside the EU albeit closely associated via the European Economic Area Agreement. The variation of relationships has also been reflected in Nordic parties' positioning vis-à-vis European integration in general and differentiation of European integration in particular. Broadly speaking, party families can be distinguished along traditional (e.g., agrarian, Christian democratic, conservative, and social democratic) and modern (e.g., socialist left, green, and populist radical right) ideological orientations. Although political parties belonging to both the traditional and modern Nordic party families have adopted different stances on European differentiated integration, we would assume—against the backdrop of Nordic cooperation—higher levels of transnational cooperation in European matters. Consequently, this article examines the similarities and differences between parties belonging to the same ideological family, and the extent of transnational party cooperation in the Nordic countries. Drawing on a series of interviews conducted with party representatives as well as on official party documents, this article shows that although institutionalized party cooperation mostly reflects divisions between party families, such institutionalization does not include a common vision for European integration. We conclude that the low level of partisan Nordic integration is primarily caused by domestic-level factors, such as intra-party divisions, government participation and public opinion.
This paper will explore the nature of European Union citizenship in the context of the constitutionalisation1 of the EC/EU. The concept was formally introduced by the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and presents many problems in its current state. Under the TEU, citizenship of the EU was granted to all nationals of EU member state countries, introducing changes to the EC Treaty which now contains a revised Article 8 detailing the beneficiaries and rights of citizenship. This is an important symbolic development in the evolving constitution of the Union; a formal recognition of the extra-economic character of the EC/EU. 'But an examination of its substance reveals EU citizenship to be disappointingly feeble and gives rise to questions concerning its nature and limits. Is it an inalienable right granted to all existing and future member state nationals? Could an EU citizen be deprived of this status by a state's choosing to end its membership of the Union? The relationship between nationality and citizenship is also crucial. As member states have different methods of determining nationality it could mean, for example, that an Irish American may be able to avail herself of EU citizenship but a Turkish national who has lived all her life in Germany may not. Since there are approximately 10-15 million legally settled non-nationals in the EU, the fact that they should be further disenfranchised is of concern. The relationship between citizens' rights and human right s has been of interest since the drafting of constitutions in the late 18th century; it is indicative that this problem also remains unresolved in relation to this new citizenship which emerged from Maastricht. Citizenship, nationality, and human rights are all crucial to the future development of the Union. They are the weapons in the larger battle which has shaped and will continue to determine the personality of that Union; the division between member state sovereignty and a supranational Union. This paper will locate the issues in this overall context ...
Will European companies investing abroad be transmitters of EU environmental policies or environmental dumpers? This article utilizes a most-differentcases approach to analyze transnational corporation (TNC) behavior in countries with less stringent environmental standards. Drawing on rational institutionalism, the article examines two significant European business investments in Mercosur countries: paper pulp mills in Uruguay and fishing off the coast of Argentina. These cases demonstrate that EU environmental standards will be diffused beyond Europe's borders if significant fixed assets are involved, high levels of public awareness and action in response to environmental degradation are possible, and if the environmental policy of an industry is successfully implemented in Europe. Paper pulp milling in Uruguay fulfilled these conditions and TNCs, in this case applied EU standards. This was not so with TNC fishing practices in Argentina. Also, with high citizen attention, local companies will adopt similar environmental practices to those of their European counterparts, improving environmental practices even without domestic government regulations.