Suchergebnisse

In the present work the author reviews the two scientific monographs and twenty scientific articles in which the history of the Lithuanian legal system is investigated. The author aspires to elucidate how did the main subsystems of the Lithuanian legal system – legislation, jurisdiction and jurisprudence – appeared and developed up to the end of the 20th century in the context of evolution of the Western legal tradition. The basic methods of research used in the works are historical, comparative and teleological. The main theses of the reviewed scientific monographs and articles are these: The law of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) was created by the Government on the basis of the national Lithuanian law and some elements of the custom Slav law. Substitution of the custom Slav law for the Lithuanian public and private law took place in those provinces in the 14th-16th centuries. The custom Slav law hampered forming of the system of law of the GDL. It was created finally in the middle of the 16th century. The law of the GDL was a medieval estate law. Estate is a legal phenomenon and law determines signs and features of any estate. Main sign of any estate is rights leaved to him by law and protected by state. Estate system, that is an organization of society into classes rigidly divided for political purposes and defined primarily by law, is based on a legal inequality of estates. Any estate is a stable order closed to outsiders. In order to belong to estate any person must correspond to certain conditions determined by law. At the same time any person can belong to a few different social groups but only to one estate. The estate system of the GDL was formed finally in the middle of the 16th century. It was defined by the Second Statute of Lithuania and consisted of four estates: nobility, clergy, peasantry and townspeople. The nobility and the clergy were privileged. They governed the state and exploited bondsmen. In the towns which obtained the Magdeburg Law the townsmen were free, but haven't political rights and privileges. The author believes that all persons were subjects of medieval law of Lithuania, but their legal capacity was not equal. This inequality was determined by law. Volume of legal capacity of these persons depended upon their age, sex, citizenship, religion and estate. It could be changed in accordance with law. Under certain conditions loss of legal capacity also was able. Collective subjects of law were the GDL itself (not its government bodies or officials), the people of Lithuania as a political unit (not estates or ethnographic nations), political confederations of noblemen (if they were sanctioned by the Grand Duke), self-governing territorial units (counties, towns, etc.), guilds organized by craftsmen and merchants and self-governing religions communities. The author believes that a land-ownership in the GDL was divided. Two persons held the same land. One of them was an immediate owner, the second was a superior owner of the land. An immediate owner's right to dispose the land was limited by a superior owner's rights to this land. In the 14th-first half of the 16th century an ancestral land was the main form of land-ownership in the GDL. At first an ancestral land was owned without obligation of vassalage. Since the beginning of the 16th century an owner of an ancestral land was obliged to military service from his land. Since the 14th century a benefice was the second form of feudal land-ownership in the GDL. Gradually a benefice turned into a feud. In 1566 the Second Statute of Lithuania gave the equal rights to all owners of ancestral lands and feuds. They got the freedom to dispose all their lands, but were obliged to military service from their real estate. In the middle of the 16th century the domain of the Grand Duke was divided into the State lands and Throne lands. The Grand Duke's freedom to dispose these lands was limited. Up to the middle of the 16th century there were no permanent circuit courts for land disputes in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. All state courts heard land cases in their permanent quarters and moved in locality to survey borders only if it was very necessary. The Government of the GDL stimulated activity of arbitration and village courts and set them to resolve land disputes in locality. The first permanent circuit court (Sub-Chamber court) for boundary disputes was established in every county during the court reform in 1564-1566. Up to the middle of the 16th century jurisdiction of the Church determined by canons was very wide and came into collision with jurisdiction of the State. Besides clergymen and other subjects of the Church spiritual courts prosecuted noblemen, peasants and townsfolk. Competence of secular and spiritual courts was delimited clearly by the Third Statute of Lithuania. In accordance with this Statute spiritual courts could prosecute noblemen, peasants and townsfolk only if a certain case was bound up with religion or marriage. The medieval conception of formal evidences existed and dominated in the GDL from the 13th century up to the 18th century. The court was passive because all evidences were collected and produced by the plaintiff or by the defendant, and legal force of any evidence was determined by Lithuanian custom law and by the Lithuanian Statutes. The author believes that compurgators were not eye-witnesses of crime or event, there testified on oath only about good name of somebody. Compurgators swore together with plaintiff or defendant. Witnesses testified to or against somebody without oath. The legal status of witnesses and compurgators determined by the Lithuanian custom law and the First Lithuanian Statute was partly corrected by the Second and the Third Lithuanian Statutes in 1566 and 1588. Dietsky office appeared in the Ancient Slav State about the 11th century. From the 13th century onwards this office functioned in the GDL. Vizh office was instituted in the end of the 15th century or in the beginning of the 16th century in the GDL. Dietsky and Vizh were court officers executed judgements. Vizh was also official witness in criminal and civil cases. Vozny office was established in the GDL during the judicial reform in 1564-1566. Vozny was an important official of a court of law. He used to be elected by county noblemen. His duty was to inspect damages, wounds, and to witness at a trial. He was an executor of court's sentences. The number of lawyers who took scholastic degrees increased in the GDL in the 16th century. They developed legal terminology, introduced the written form of contracts and elaborated many legal acts. The Lithuanian Statutes should be regarded as the acme of progressive legal theoretical thought and practical activity. They surmounted the codification of the legislation of the GDL and brought the country to the leading position among other European countries. Yet the high standard, progressive spirit and intrinsic humanistic ideas by themselves did not mean that the Statutes were properly applied. In the 16th century, the lack of qualified lawyers complicated application of the Lithuanian Statutes. The legal sophistication of judges was often rather poor. Even members of the Lithuanian Tribunal of the GDL were not professional lawyers. The requirement constituted in the Lithuanian Statutes that only nobility were eligible to the position of judges was hardly observed because for a long time there had been not a single law school or college in the GDL. Why the Faculty of Law had not been founded in the Vilnius Jesuits' Academy before 1641? The author believes that the problem may be viewed in the context of international relations between the Kingdom of Poland and the GDL. In the year of the foundation of Vilnius University, one more event important for the legal development of GDL took place: creation of the highest appeal court – Lithuanian Tribunal. Polish landlords did not tolerate the steps strengthening the statehood of Lithuania. Creation of the Lithuanian Tribunal was a difficult victory of the GDL nobility. It is quite possible that concession to the University of Krakow and recognition of Polish monopoly in preparing lawyers were the cost paid for the mentioned victory. It seemed then more important to have their own appeal court than to prepare lawyers in the GDL. In the one article the author aspires to elucidate what was a medieval university – integral part of the town or feudal benefice, what were professors ant students – full fledged citizens of the town or aliens, and what were courts of the university – State or private, secular or ecclesiastical. The author established that any university in the Middle Ages was a self-governing professional corporation similar with guild or craft. Doctors and scholars (like merchants or craftsmen) elected rector and some others officials who governed and administered justice. Mostly university was an integral part of the town; professors ant students could exercise their rights on an equality with citizens of the town. Sometimes university was ruled by the Bishop or King as a feudal benefice independent from the town magistrates and courts (in this case the relations between town citizens and students were exceptionally strained). A very ample jurisdiction was allowed to the Rector's court, extending to all civil cases and all criminal cases except such as involved mutilation (in those criminal cases the jurisdiction of the town Magistrates, King's or Bishop's judges was recognized). Rector was required to suppress quarrels between students and townsmen, or among the students themselves. If Rector failed to punish offenders, a scholar or doctor was amenable to the town Magistrates, King's or Bishop's judges. The Bishop always reserved to himself spiritual jurisdiction over professors ant students. An appellate civil jurisdiction was reserved to the town Magistrates, King's or Bishop's judges. It should be recognized that the legal system

In the present work the author reviews the two scientific monographs and twenty scientific articles in which the history of the Lithuanian legal system is investigated. The author aspires to elucidate how did the main subsystems of the Lithuanian legal system – legislation, jurisdiction and jurisprudence – appeared and developed up to the end of the 20th century in the context of evolution of the Western legal tradition. The basic methods of research used in the works are historical, comparative and teleological. The main theses of the reviewed scientific monographs and articles are these: The law of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (GDL) was created by the Government on the basis of the national Lithuanian law and some elements of the custom Slav law. Substitution of the custom Slav law for the Lithuanian public and private law took place in those provinces in the 14th-16th centuries. The custom Slav law hampered forming of the system of law of the GDL. It was created finally in the middle of the 16th century. The law of the GDL was a medieval estate law. Estate is a legal phenomenon and law determines signs and features of any estate. Main sign of any estate is rights leaved to him by law and protected by state. Estate system, that is an organization of society into classes rigidly divided for political purposes and defined primarily by law, is based on a legal inequality of estates. Any estate is a stable order closed to outsiders. In order to belong to estate any person must correspond to certain conditions determined by law. At the same time any person can belong to a few different social groups but only to one estate. The estate system of the GDL was formed finally in the middle of the 16th century. It was defined by the Second Statute of Lithuania and consisted of four estates: nobility, clergy, peasantry and townspeople. The nobility and the clergy were privileged. They governed the state and exploited bondsmen. In the towns which obtained the Magdeburg Law the townsmen were free, but haven't political rights and privileges. The author believes that all persons were subjects of medieval law of Lithuania, but their legal capacity was not equal. This inequality was determined by law. Volume of legal capacity of these persons depended upon their age, sex, citizenship, religion and estate. It could be changed in accordance with law. Under certain conditions loss of legal capacity also was able. Collective subjects of law were the GDL itself (not its government bodies or officials), the people of Lithuania as a political unit (not estates or ethnographic nations), political confederations of noblemen (if they were sanctioned by the Grand Duke), self-governing territorial units (counties, towns, etc.), guilds organized by craftsmen and merchants and self-governing religions communities. The author believes that a land-ownership in the GDL was divided. Two persons held the same land. One of them was an immediate owner, the second was a superior owner of the land. An immediate owner's right to dispose the land was limited by a superior owner's rights to this land. In the 14th-first half of the 16th century an ancestral land was the main form of land-ownership in the GDL. At first an ancestral land was owned without obligation of vassalage. Since the beginning of the 16th century an owner of an ancestral land was obliged to military service from his land. Since the 14th century a benefice was the second form of feudal land-ownership in the GDL. Gradually a benefice turned into a feud. In 1566 the Second Statute of Lithuania gave the equal rights to all owners of ancestral lands and feuds. They got the freedom to dispose all their lands, but were obliged to military service from their real estate. In the middle of the 16th century the domain of the Grand Duke was divided into the State lands and Throne lands. The Grand Duke's freedom to dispose these lands was limited. Up to the middle of the 16th century there were no permanent circuit courts for land disputes in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. All state courts heard land cases in their permanent quarters and moved in locality to survey borders only if it was very necessary. The Government of the GDL stimulated activity of arbitration and village courts and set them to resolve land disputes in locality. The first permanent circuit court (Sub-Chamber court) for boundary disputes was established in every county during the court reform in 1564-1566. Up to the middle of the 16th century jurisdiction of the Church determined by canons was very wide and came into collision with jurisdiction of the State. Besides clergymen and other subjects of the Church spiritual courts prosecuted noblemen, peasants and townsfolk. Competence of secular and spiritual courts was delimited clearly by the Third Statute of Lithuania. In accordance with this Statute spiritual courts could prosecute noblemen, peasants and townsfolk only if a certain case was bound up with religion or marriage. The medieval conception of formal evidences existed and dominated in the GDL from the 13th century up to the 18th century. The court was passive because all evidences were collected and produced by the plaintiff or by the defendant, and legal force of any evidence was determined by Lithuanian custom law and by the Lithuanian Statutes. The author believes that compurgators were not eye-witnesses of crime or event, there testified on oath only about good name of somebody. Compurgators swore together with plaintiff or defendant. Witnesses testified to or against somebody without oath. The legal status of witnesses and compurgators determined by the Lithuanian custom law and the First Lithuanian Statute was partly corrected by the Second and the Third Lithuanian Statutes in 1566 and 1588. Dietsky office appeared in the Ancient Slav State about the 11th century. From the 13th century onwards this office functioned in the GDL. Vizh office was instituted in the end of the 15th century or in the beginning of the 16th century in the GDL. Dietsky and Vizh were court officers executed judgements. Vizh was also official witness in criminal and civil cases. Vozny office was established in the GDL during the judicial reform in 1564-1566. Vozny was an important official of a court of law. He used to be elected by county noblemen. His duty was to inspect damages, wounds, and to witness at a trial. He was an executor of court's sentences. The number of lawyers who took scholastic degrees increased in the GDL in the 16th century. They developed legal terminology, introduced the written form of contracts and elaborated many legal acts. The Lithuanian Statutes should be regarded as the acme of progressive legal theoretical thought and practical activity. They surmounted the codification of the legislation of the GDL and brought the country to the leading position among other European countries. Yet the high standard, progressive spirit and intrinsic humanistic ideas by themselves did not mean that the Statutes were properly applied. In the 16th century, the lack of qualified lawyers complicated application of the Lithuanian Statutes. The legal sophistication of judges was often rather poor. Even members of the Lithuanian Tribunal of the GDL were not professional lawyers. The requirement constituted in the Lithuanian Statutes that only nobility were eligible to the position of judges was hardly observed because for a long time there had been not a single law school or college in the GDL. Why the Faculty of Law had not been founded in the Vilnius Jesuits' Academy before 1641? The author believes that the problem may be viewed in the context of international relations between the Kingdom of Poland and the GDL. In the year of the foundation of Vilnius University, one more event important for the legal development of GDL took place: creation of the highest appeal court – Lithuanian Tribunal. Polish landlords did not tolerate the steps strengthening the statehood of Lithuania. Creation of the Lithuanian Tribunal was a difficult victory of the GDL nobility. It is quite possible that concession to the University of Krakow and recognition of Polish monopoly in preparing lawyers were the cost paid for the mentioned victory. It seemed then more important to have their own appeal court than to prepare lawyers in the GDL. In the one article the author aspires to elucidate what was a medieval university – integral part of the town or feudal benefice, what were professors ant students – full fledged citizens of the town or aliens, and what were courts of the university – State or private, secular or ecclesiastical. The author established that any university in the Middle Ages was a self-governing professional corporation similar with guild or craft. Doctors and scholars (like merchants or craftsmen) elected rector and some others officials who governed and administered justice. Mostly university was an integral part of the town; professors ant students could exercise their rights on an equality with citizens of the town. Sometimes university was ruled by the Bishop or King as a feudal benefice independent from the town magistrates and courts (in this case the relations between town citizens and students were exceptionally strained). A very ample jurisdiction was allowed to the Rector's court, extending to all civil cases and all criminal cases except such as involved mutilation (in those criminal cases the jurisdiction of the town Magistrates, King's or Bishop's judges was recognized). Rector was required to suppress quarrels between students and townsmen, or among the students themselves. If Rector failed to punish offenders, a scholar or doctor was amenable to the town Magistrates, King's or Bishop's judges. The Bishop always reserved to himself spiritual jurisdiction over professors ant students. An appellate civil jurisdiction was reserved to the town Magistrates, King's or Bishop's judges. It should be recognized that the legal system

As India continues to urbanize and move towards a less agricultural- and more industry-based economy, land demands will continue to grow. Its urban population is expected to increase by more than 200 million by 2030, requiring 4 to 8 million hectares of land for residential use alone. Demands for infrastructure and industry could add a similar amount, summing to total land demand of 5 to10 percent of the land area currently used for agriculture. If not handled well, such massive land use change may increase vulnerability and food insecurity, rent-seeking, environmental problems, social dislocation, inequality, and conflict. But it also provides an opportunity to address the underlying structural issues, propelling India into the league of middle-income countries and laying the ground for significantly advancing shared prosperity and reduced poverty. This synthesis report presents results from land governance self-assessments by six states: The fact that land is a state subject implies that actions to improve land governance need to be initiated at state level. To identify opportunities, six states implemented the Land Governance Assessment Framework (LGAF), a tool that allow comparing the status of their land governance against international good practice along a set of dimensions in a very participatory process. Results are summarized in state reports that were validated publicly and discussed with policy makers in each state. This national report complements these and draws out common areas.

Twenty years after the end of the war, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) has yet to achieve shared prosperity for its citizens and approach European living standards. The country has been at peace since the end of 1995, but its development model needs adjustment if it is to join the ranks of prosperous European economies. BiH has a disproportionately large public sector that dates back to Yugoslav times and has only been partly reformed since, and the constitutional arrangements under the Dayton and Washington Agreements had as their aim the cessation of war rather than the explicit goal of building a viable and efficient state. Financial inflows, particularly aid and remittances, have been fueling consumption-based economic growth. These inflows were important in post-war recovery, and propelled the country back to middle-income status. However, reaching high levels of income, creating prosperity and eliminating poverty will only happen if BiH shifts toward an economic model that builds on international integration, especially with the EU, BiH's most important trading partner and anchor of institutional reform. BiH needs to rebalance its development model in two fundamental ways in order to succeed. First, it needs to unleash the potential of the private sector while reducing the footprint of the very large public sector. Second, the economy needs to shift from an inward focus driven by local consumption and imports to the potential of international integration through investments and exports. To achieve this country needs more (and larger) companies, vibrant small and medium sized enterprises and a business environment that allows them to grow and expand output, employment, and exports.

As elsewhere in the ex-communist/socialist countries, the former planning system in Yugoslavia has been dismantled as from the beginning of 1990s, and the planning practice has from then onwards been steered by an apart mixture of old habits, few institutional innovations and the social, economic and political turbulence of the transition period. The previous system and practice of socioeconomic planning collapsed, so far not to be substituted for by new arrangements, to match the impact of the key factors of the transition period, i.e., political pluralization, privatization and marketisation. On the other hand, albeit the system of spatial/urban and environmental planning has been 're-touched' in the 1990s, the adjustments undertaken have not either been harmonized with the factors mentioned. What can now be recognized as the existing 'planning system' is, however, an strange mix of heterogeneous elements from a number of disparate modes, i.e., 'crisis-management-planning', 'planning-supported-wild-marketisation-and-privatisation', 'project-based-planning', etc. In effect, there is no overall professional and political consensus on the direction and content of reform in this field (which also applies to other key issues). In sum, the existing situation in the planning system and practice reads as follows: (1) The system has almost lost its legitimacy, partly because the majority of the former public interests collapsed, and new, indisputable public interests still not being established. Under such circumstances, new roles of planning are hardly known to the public at large, in part as a consequence of an overall anti-planning stance among the majority of political, economic and expert elites. (2) The inertia rules the professional landscape, since there has been a lack of new approaches and methodologies, to match the impact of new dominant factors and the miserable social and economic conditions in the country. Regarding the approaches and methodologies applied, the traditional ex ante planning evaluation still prevails, and more ex post and ex continuo evaluation is still missing. (3) The planning system is too centralized (within the two republics), since the radical recentralization of Serbia was undertaken in 1990, and subsequently the sub-national tiers were deprived of almost any effective planning instruments. In addition to this, the majority of regional entities ('districts') and communes lack a competent administrative machinery and expertise, as well as other support (e.g., research, planning information support etc.) for effecting autonomous planning policies. (4) There has been no more ambitious strategic planning (which is, however, somehow understandable vis-à-vis only now ended international sanctions and isolation of the country). On the other hand, the majority of the development documents that have been passed in the meantime, grossly lack elaborated implementation devices (policies and instruments). Especially in the field of urban planning, the detailed ('land use') schemes prevail over the more strategic development schemes for larger urban and regional areas. Specific development projects (and, only sometimes, more harmonized programmes) by far outnumber other planning schemes. (5) The integration and harmonization of various aspects of planning and policy, i.e., social, economic, spatial/urban, environmental, is very poor. In effect, physicalism still dominates the scene in spatial and urban planning, and the elements of socioeconomic development and environmental policy are scarce within this block. (6) The stipulated legal propositions pertaining to the openness, participativeness and transparency of the planning/policy procedures fall easily frail in the planning practice, resulting in the very poor content in this regard. (7) There has been a lack of planners and other experts experienced and knowledgeable in practicing planning under the new circumstance of political pluralism and radically changed structure of stakeholders and concomitant institutional arrangements. This also applies to 'educators' in general, because the prolonged international isolation of the FR Yugoslavia has caused the gross of their knowledge and capabilities irrelevant. In sum, it seems that many planners would not be able to assume new roles that they are expected to on the part of the society at large. (8)The planning/policy information, research, institutional and other support provided by the state and other agents often does not satisfy even the most basic needs in this fields, partly for a general scarcity of resources concomitant to the overall and deep social, economic and political crisis the society found itself in the 1990s. (9) Most frightfully, manipulation, paternalism and clientelism still represent dominant forms of power, which is a problem by itself in Yugoslavia being one of the most corruptive countries in the world. What is now most missing is a non-manipulative persuasion, as well as the authority of professional values, as the communication and interaction forms that seem only promising for and supportive to developing of a democratic, emancipatory and transformative planning mode. A number of attempts during the last decade to embark upon the preparation of the new 'Master Plan of the City Belgrade' (in the sequel: MP) came into realization not before the democratic political changes of October 2000 took place in Serbia. However, the so far undertaken steps do not seem promising, as they failed to satisfy a number of methodological and other standards, as well as to introduce necessary innovations. Unfortunately, the MP was commissioned to the Bureau of Urban Planning of the City of Belgrade (otherwise a 'faithful ally' of all non-democratic regimes in the City's urban planning and related matters over the last more than ten years now, during which there has been a so far unrecorded squandering and illegal privatization of public urban assets, mostly uncontrolled and not paid-for). Similarly, vested are to lead and complete the work mostly the experts/planners who 'controlled' and still 'control' the academic and professional scene in the same period (notwithstanding that were compromised and their abilities proved passé on many occasions), now recycled to perform new mission. Albeit the entire project had not been adequately prepared, already two interim documents have been elaborated now, viz., 'A Hypothesis of the Master Plan of Belgrade 2021', and 'A Concept of the Master Plan of Belgrade 2021'. In what follows, a brief review of the work done so far is presented: (1) The role of the MP is poorly defined, which is strange vis-à-vis the pronounced thesis on the 'insuperable role of market', which one renders puzzle about the veritable role of the MP. In addition to this, physicalism features as the key characteristic of this document: social and economic aspects of development are insufficiently present and poorly integrated into the MP, and so are the environmental aspects. The MP will however have to assume a part of socioeconomic development planning and policy as well, because the latter is predictably not likely to get recuperated in some time to come. Furthermore, the social, economic and environmental problems of Belgrade are so tremendous (e.g., extremely high rate of unemployment, probably around 40% of the total work force, obsolete technological, market and other structure of the larger part of Belgrade economy, prolonged crisis of economic growth, overall pauperization of the overwhelming majority of people, many hundred thousand refugees, few hundred thousand of young and educated people who left the country, disproportionate environmental pollution as compared to the level of economic development, etc.), that they must not be ignored in the development documents like the MP. (2) There is no sound conception on the public interests, particularly under the circumstances of a large number of legitimate individual interests fast emerging on the political scene, some of which also persisting to impose themselves as new and legitimate public interests. This results in a feeble notion on the existing and predictable future conflicts, as well as on the planning mechanisms and instruments that will be used in their control and management. (3) The concept of sustainable development has been only 'flirted with' in the MP, whereby a sound doctrine upon which development is to be directed and articulated is also missing (i.e., that which is of relevance for a territorial entity with the GDP of not more than some USD 1 500 per capita). (4) No efforts have been made to introduce more relevant methodological approach, i.e., those which would contrast the miserable socioeconomic and environmental fixities, viz.: (i) A more rigorous ex post evaluation of past decisions has not been performed, implying that future steps will be undertaken upon rather anecdotal insights in the existing power structure, institutional and organizational arrangements and dominant communication and interaction modes in planning. In the same context, the most significant problem of Belgrade area, i.e., how to approach the economic and ecological renewal and rehabilitation of its economy, has been hardly paid sufficient attention to. (This also applies to the position of Belgrade in the broader regional Euro-Asian context, which has terribly eroded over the last decade). (ii) Although the intention of the whole exercise is to work out a 'hard product', i.e., a urban development plan, no ex ante evaluation scheme has been produced so far, implying that the job is not being performed lege artis. Apart from other implications, this failure is particularly handicapping regarding the criteria of ex ante evaluation, leaving the professional audience and the public at large without the sound answers on key questions: What are the criteria upon which the evaluation has been undertaken? Whose are they? What interests stand behind them? Who decides on the criteria that will be applied? Apart from softening the rigour of the expertise, this flaw also allows for too ample 'maneuvering space' for the subsequent arbitrating to be performed by the politicians. (5) A trend-based extrapolation has been used as the key prognostic technique, which is absolutely unacceptable, keeping in mind the poor predictive power (I) and unstable institutional arrangements in planning and elsewhere (II). Instead, the political community would necessitate a number of veritable alternative scenarios of possible/desirable future development elaborated and presented for discussion, deliberation and decision-making in expert arenas and public forums. (6) Perhaps the weakest part of the MP goes to the issue of implementation of planning decisions, giving way to 'visioning' (in effect, to another planning 'phantasmagory'), which is again unacceptable vis-à-vis the pressing and burning realities of Belgrade and its broader surroundings. (7) Finally, an open, transparent and publicly verified 'offer to strategic partners' would also be needed, as the City does not have enough internal resources to cope with the problems of its economic, social, physical and environmental renewal. To conclude, major improvements are needed regarding the planning approach and methodology applied in the preparation of the Master Plan of the City of Belgrade 2021. As this project is likely to carry considerable demonstrational effects throughout the planning scene in Yugoslavia, its highly professional execution is of necessity, so that a major damage is avoided, i.e., that of a further loss of the legitimacy of planning and erosion of the planning profession.

The purpose of the research: explore legal issues and the need for professional growth of health care workers towards the formation of legal competencies in the context of medical reform in Ukraine, identify promising ways for the development of legal education in health care.Materials and methods: normative-legal base of Ukraine, method of analysis, method of synthesis, comparative-legal and structural-functional methods.Results. The need for further development of legal education for healthcare workers stems from a detailed analysis of the regulatory and legal acts of Ukraine regulating medical and pharmaceutical activities, in particular, the Constitution of Ukraine, the Criminal Code of Ukraine, the Code of Ukraine on Administrative Offenses, the Laws of Ukraine "Fundamentals of the Legislation of Ukraine on Health Care", "On State Financial Guarantees of Medical Care of the Population", "On Amendments to Certain Legislative Acts of Ukraine regarding the improvement of legislation on the activities of health care institutions", "On the prevention of corruption", the decree of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine "On approval of the competition for the position of head of state, municipal health care institutions", order of the Ministry of Health of Ukraine from 31.10.2018 № 1977 "On Amendments to the Handbook of qualification characteristics of workers occupations". Issue 78 "Health" and many others. Societies of public authorities, researchers, educators, medical, pharmaceutical workers and patients need to comprehend deeply the processes of modern transformation in the health sector, its legal regulation and the associated innovative approach to the competence matrix of the modern health worker, to develop a unified approach to the development of methods and forms of legal education in health care.Conclusions. In order to improve the effectiveness of legal education, it is necessary to develop and approve by the Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine the National Concept for the Development of Legal Education in Healthcare, which should cover all subjects of legal relations in health care, including public authorities and local government, to provide the development of departments and pharmaceutical-legal and medical-legal teaching not only in medical and pharmaceutical, but also legal higher education institutions; a significant legal component of the training of health managers in master's programs; a mandatory component of medical, pharmaceutical and legal education for professionals and specialists in the field of health care at various levels and specialties. Anti-corruption education in the framework of continuing professional development of specialists should be a mandatory separate area of legal education. ; Цель работы – исследовать правовые вопросы и проблемы необходимости профессионального развития работников сферы здравоохранения в направлении формирования правовых компетентностей в контексте осуществления медицинской реформы в Украине, определить перспективные пути развития правового образования в сфере здравоохранения.Материалы и методы. Нормативно-правовая база Украины, методы анализа, синтеза, сравнительно-правовой и структурно-функциональный методы.Результаты. Вопрос о необходимости дальнейшего развития правового образования работников сферы здравоохранения вытекают из детального анализа нормативно-правовых актов Украины, регулирующих медицинскую и фармацевтическую деятельность, в частности Конституции Украины, Уголовного кодекса Украины, Кодекса Украины об административных правонарушениях, Законов Украины «Основы законодательства Украины о здравоохранении»,«О государственных финансовых гарантиях медицинского обслуживания населения», «О внесении изменений в некоторые законодательные акты Украины относительно усовершенствования законодательства по вопросам деятельности учреждений здравоохранения», «О предотвращении коррупции», постановления Кабинета Министров Украины «Об утверждении Порядка проведения конкурса на занятие должности руководителя государственного, коммунального учреждения здравоохранения», приказа Министерства здравоохранения Украины от 31.10.2018 № 1977 «О внесении изменений в Справочник квалификационных характеристик профессий работников. Выпуск 78 «Здравоохранение» и многих других. Органам государственной власти, научным работникам, педагогам, медицинской, фармацевтической и пациентской общественности нужно глубоко осмыслить процессы современной трансформации сферы здравоохранения, ее правового регулирования и связанного с этим инновационного подхода к матрице компетенций современного работника здравоохранения, выработать унифицированный подход к развитию методов и форм правового образования в сфере здравоохранения.Выводы. Для повышения эффективности правового образования необходимо разработать и утвердить постановлением Кабинета Министров Украины общегосударственную концепцию развития правового образования в сфере здравоохранения, которая должна охватывать всех субъектов правоотношений в сфере здравоохранения, включая органы государственной власти и местного самоуправления, предусматривать развитие кафедр и преподавания дисциплин фармацевтико-правового и медико-правового направления не только в медицинских и фармацевтических, но и юридических учреждениях высшего образования; весомую правовую компоненту подготовки управленческих кадров здравоохранения по магистерским программам; обязательную компоненту медико-правового и фармацевтико-правового образования для профессионалов и специалистов сферы здравоохранения различных уровней и специальностей. Антикоррупционное образование в рамках непрерывного профессионального развития специалистов должно быть обязательным отдельным направлением правового образования. ; Мета роботи – дослідити правові питання та проблеми необхідності професійного розвитку працівників сфери охорони здоров'я в напрямі формування правових компетентностей у контексті здійснення медичної реформи в Україні, окреслити перспективні шляхи розвитку правової освіти у сфері охорони здоров'я.Матеріали і методи. Нормативно-правова база України, методи аналізу, синтезу, порівняльно-правовий і структурно-функціональний.Результати. Питання необхідності дальшого розвитку правової освіти працівників сфери охорони здоров'я випливають з детального аналізу нормативно-правових актів України, що регулюють медичну та фармацевтичну діяльність, зокрема Конституції України, Кримінального кодексу України, Кодексу України про адміністративні правопорушення, Законів України «Основи законодавства України про охорону здоров'я», «Про державні фінансові гарантії медичного обслуговування населення», «Про внесення змін до деяких законодавчих актів України щодо удосконалення законодавства з питань діяльності закладів охорони здоров'я», «Про запобігання корупції», постанови Кабінету Міністрів України «Про затвердження Порядку проведення конкурсу на зайняття посади керівника державного, комунального закладу охорони здоров'я», наказу Міністерства охорони здоров'я України від 31.10.2018 р. № 1977 «Про внесення змін до Довідника кваліфікаційних характеристик професій працівників. Випуск 78 «Охорона здоров'я» та багатьох інших. Органам державної влади, науковцям, освітянам, медичній, фармацевтичній та пацієнтській громадськості потрібно осмислити процеси сучасної трансформації сфери охорони здоров'я, її правового регулювання та пов'язаного з цим інноваційного підходу до матриці компетенцій сучасного працівника охорони здоров'я, виробити уніфікований підхід до розвитку методів і форм правової освіти у сфері охорони здоров'я.Висновки. Для підвищення ефективності правової освіти необхідно розробити та затвердити постановою Кабінету Міністрів України загальнодержавну концепцію розвитку правової освіти у сфері охорони здоров'я, що охоплюватиме всіх суб'єктів правовідносин у сфері охорони здоров'я, включаючи органи державної влади, місцевого самоврядування, передбачати розвиток кафедр і викладання дисциплін фармацевтико-правового та медико-правового спрямування не тільки в медичних і фармацевтичних, але і юридичних закладах вищої освіти; вагому правову компоненту підготовки управлінських кадрів охорони здоров'я за магістерськими програмами; обов'язкову компоненту медико-правової та фармацевтико-правової освіти для професіоналів і фахівців сфери охорони здоров'я різних рівнів і спеціальностей. Антикорупційна освіта в рамках безперервного професійного розвитку фахівців має бути обов'язковим окремим напрямом правової освіти.

El persistente rezago del Caribe Colombiano en términos de desarrollo económico se debe en parte a la baja calidad de sus instituciones. Este trabajo hace una revisión de los estudios recientes sobre la economía política de la región y resalta algunos de los factores más relevantes. Entre estos se destacan los efectos de las transformaciones en la estructura económica regional, las reformas políticas y administrativas nacionales, la interdependencia entre la política regional y nacional, y el uso sistemático de la violencia. Las medidas disponibles tienden a reflejar el mal estado de las instituciones, siendo la región una de las peores calificadas en términos de desempeño fiscal, gobierno abierto y delitos electorales. A pesar de esto, la percepción de corrupción es relativamente baja y, en comparación con otras regiones, hay mayor tolerancia frente a algunas de estas prácticas. Esto podría estar reflejando un mayor grado de naturalización del fenómeno. ; The Caribean region is persistently lagged behind in terms of economic development and this is partly due to the poor quality of institutions. This paper reviews recent literature regarding the political economy of the region, and highlights some of the most relevant factors, including regional economic shifts, national political and administrative reforms, the interdependence between regional and national politics, and the systematic use of violence. Available measures tend to confirm that local institutions are ranked among the worst in the nation, with particularly low scores in fiscal capacity, transparency, and electoral crimes. In spite of this, perceived corruption remains relatively low and some of these practices are more tolerated than in the rest of the country. This may reflect a greater degree of internalization of corrupt behavior. ; 'Economía política del Caribe colombiano' ¿Por qué persiste el rezago de las regiones periféricas del país en términos de desarrollo económico? De acuerdo con estudios recientes, una de las principales causas tiene que ver con la baja calidad de sus instituciones. Más allá de las condiciones geográficas, hay cada vez más evidencia de que son sobre todo las instituciones heredadas de la Colonia y los primeros años republicanos las que explican el desigual desempeño económico y social que se observa hoy. El 'Documento de Trabajo sobre Economía Regional y Urbana' (DTSERU): 'Economía política del Caribe colombiano', de los investigadores Leonardo Bonilla Mejía e Iván Higuera Mendieta, estudia el caso de la región Caribe. Los autores destacan tres aspectos de la economía política de la región que han marcado su rumbo. En primer lugar, las transformaciones en la economía regional, acompañadas de la apertura política y la descentralización fiscal y administrativa. Si bien los recursos para financiar inversiones han aumentado, la evidencia muestra que estos cambios no siempre han permitido abrir el espectro político o mejorar sustancialmente la provisión de servicios públicos. En cambio, en algunas regiones han salido fortalecidas las élites tradicionales que han sabido adaptarse y poner en marcha nuevas formas de clientelismo. Al tener instituciones débiles, las élites locales son las primeras beneficiadas en la medida en que éstas les permiten mantenerse en el poder. "Esto se ha logrado a través de la combinación de distintas formas de fraude electoral, violencia y clientelismo". Este control hegemónico del poder político ha permitido a su vez la extracción de rentas, reflejada, entre otros, en la concentración de la propiedad de la tierra, los bajos niveles de tributación y la larga lista de escándalos de corrupción. En segundo lugar, los gobiernos nacionales no son ajenos a este fenómeno. Los intercambios de recursos de inversión y puestos por apoyo legislativo y electoral han favorecido a las élites locales y nacionales, sin necesariamente traducirse en mejoras sustanciales en la calidad de vida en las regiones. "No en vano una parte importante de los escándalos de corrupción resultantes han involucrado a la clase política de la región. Esta relación explica cómo es posible que coexista una democracia relativamente funcional a nivel nacional con regímenes autoritarios en las regiones". Tercero, la relación entre la política y la violencia persiste. En particular, los grupos paramilitares formando estrechos vínculos con la clase política local, restringiendo la competencia política y desencadenando un ciclo de violencia. Además de presentar algunos de los indicadores más bajos en educación, nutrición, salud y saneamiento, la región Caribe fue una de las que registró más casos de masacres y asesinatos selectivos, desplazamiento forzoso y concentración de la tierra durante las últimas décadas. A pesar de lo anterior, los autores del Documento señalan que "la percepción de corrupción es relativamente baja y, en comparación con otras regiones, hay mayor tolerancia frente a algunas de estas prácticas. Esto podría estar reflejando un mayor grado de naturalización del fenómeno". El camino a seguir La modernización del sistema político y de las instituciones locales son sin duda una de las prioridades de la región, pues de esto depende el uso eficiente de los recursos públicos y la capacidad de generar aumentos importantes en la productividad y la calidad de vida. Esto implica hacer cambios importantes en por lo menos cuatro frentes. Primero, establecer un sistema sólido de derechos de propiedad: se necesita un sistema catastral rural moderno que dinamice el mercado de tierras. Esto debe ir de la mano de los procesos de restitución de víctimas. Segundo, se necesita mayor control sobre la calidad del gasto. Esto implica un rol más activo de la sociedad civil y la prensa en la fiscalización de los recursos. El aumento en el recaudo de impuestos locales podría generar efectos positivos, pues hay mayor control social cuando los recursos provienen de la misma comunidad. En tercer lugar, es indispensable hacer que las negociaciones entre los gobiernos nacionales y representantes de las regiones sean transparentes y guiadas por criterios netamente técnicos. Esto genera condiciones para que la distribución de los recursos de la nación sea más eficiente y atienda las verdaderas prioridades de la región. Finalmente, es necesario seguir promoviendo cambios en la cultura política que lleven a desnaturalizar las prácticas clientelistas y corruptas. La cátedra de historia, los programas de formación ciudadana y gobierno escolar, y las políticas de cultura ciudadana son esfuerzos en la dirección correcta.

The promotion of self-employment as part of active labor market policies is considered to be one of the most important unemployment support schemes in Germany. Against this background the main part of this thesis contributes to the evaluation of start-up support schemes within ALMP. Chapter 2 and 4 focus on the evaluation of the New Start-up Subsidy (NSUS, Gründungszuschuss) in its first version (from 2006 to the end of 2011). The chapters offer an advancement of the evaluation of start-up subsidies in Germany, and are based on a novel data set of administrative data from the Federal Employment Agency that was enriched with information from a telephone survey. Chapter 2 provides a thorough descriptive analysis of the NSUS that consists of two parts. First, the participant structure of the program is compared with the one of two former programs. In a second step, the study conducts an in-depth characterization of the participants of the NSUS focusing on founding motives, the level of start-up capital and equity used as well as the sectoral distribution of the new business. Furthermore, the business survival, income situation of founders and job creation by the new businesses is analyzed during a period of 19 months after start-up. The contribution of Chapter 4 is to introduce a new explorative data set that allows comparing subsidized start-ups out of unemployment with non-subsidized business start-ups that were founded by individuals who were not unemployed at the time of start-up. Because previous evaluation studies commonly used eligible non-participants amongst the unemployed as control group to assess the labor market effects of the start-up subsidies, the corresponding results hence referred to the effectiveness of the ALMP measure, but could not address the question whether the subsidy leads to similarly successful and innovative businesses compared to non-subsidized businesses. An assessment of this economic/growth aspect is also important, since the subsidy might induce negative effects that may outweigh the positive effects from an ALMP perspective. The main results of Chapter 4 indicate that subsidized founders seem to have no shortages in terms of formal education, but exhibit less employment and industry-specific experience, and are less likely to benefit from intergenerational transmission of start-ups. Moreover, the study finds evidence that necessity start-ups are over-represented among subsidized business founders, which suggests disadvantages in terms of business preparation due to possible time restrictions right before start-up. Finally, the study also detects more capital constraints among the unemployed, both in terms of the availability of personal equity and access to loans. With respect to potential differences between both groups in terms of business development over time, the results indicate that subsidized start-ups out of unemployment face higher business survival rates 19 months after start-up. However, they lag behind regular business founders in terms of income, business growth, and innovation. The arduous data collection process for start-up activities of non-subsidized founders for Chapter 4 made apparent that Germany is missing a central reporting system for business formations. Additionally, the different start-up reporting systems that do exist exhibit substantial discrepancies in data processing procedures, and therefore also in absolute numbers concerning the overall start-up activity. Chapter 3 is therefore placed in front of Chapter 4 and has the aim to provide a comprehensive review of the most important German start-up reporting systems. The second part of the thesis consists of Chapter 5 which contributes to the literature on determinants of job search behavior of the unemployed individuals by analyzing the effectiveness of internet search with regard to search behavior of unemployed individuals and subsequent job quality. The third and final part of the thesis outlines why the German labor market reacted in a very mild fashion to the Great Recession 2008/09, especially compared to other countries. Chapter 6 describes current economic trends of the labor market in light of general trends in the European Union, and reveals some of the main associated challenges. Thereafter, recent reforms of the main institutional settings of the labor market which influence labor supply are analyzed. Finally, based on the status quo of these institutional settings, the chapter gives a brief overview of strategies to adequately combat the challenges in terms of labor supply and to ensure economic growth in the future. ; Die vorliegende kumulative Dissertation leistet einen Beitrag zur Forschungsliteratur im Bereich der Evaluation aktiver Arbeitsmarktpolitik in Deutschland. Der erste und größte Teil der Dissertation besteht aus zwei voneinander unabhängigen und in sich abgeschlossenen Forschungspapieren (Kapitel 2 und 4), die sich mit der Gründungsförderung für Arbeitslose im Rechtskreis des SGB III auseinandersetzen. Die Untersuchungen konzentrieren sich dabei auf das Instrument des Gründungszuschusses (GZ) in seiner institutionellen Ausgestaltung von 2006 bis 2011. Kapitel 2 führt zunächst eine ausführliche deskriptive Analyse der Teilnehmerstruktur des Förderprogramms durch, wobei explizit auf Unterschiede zwischen dem Gründungszuschuss und früheren Gründungsförderprogrammen eingegangen wird. Die komparative Analyse zeigt, dass die Teilnehmerstrukturen des GZ nicht die gleiche Breite an gründungswilligen Personen erreicht wie beide Vorgängerprogramme. Des Weiteren scheinen mit dem GZ geförderte GründerInnen eher durch sogenannte Pull-Faktoren motiviert, waren im Durchschnitt etwas risikobereiter, setzten aber relativ weniger Eigenkapital für ihre Gründung ein. Der zweite Teil der Analyse bezieht sich vorrangig auf die Nachhaltigkeit der Förderung durch den GZ. Hier kann gezeigt werden, dass 19 Monate nach Gründung noch 75% bis 84% der geförderten Personen im Haupterwerb selbständig tätig sind. Hinsichtlich der Beschäftigungswirkungen ist allerdings erkennbar, dass die Mehrheit der noch selbständig Tätigen 19 Monate nach Gründung keine Mitarbeiter eingestellt hat. Abschließend zeigt die Analyse hinsichtlich der Existenz potentieller Mitnahmeeffekte, dass diese im Rahmen des Gründungszuschusses eine geringere Bedeutung zu haben scheinen als bisher angenommen. Bisherige Evaluationsstudien zur Gründungsförderung für Arbeitslose verwenden in der Regel arbeitslose Individuen als Kontrollgruppe, um Arbeitsmarkteffekte der Gründung zu untersuchen. Dieser Ansatz hat den Nachteil, dass nicht untersucht werden kann, ob die Gründungsförderung erfolgreiche, innovative Unternehmen generiert, die mit denen von nicht-geförderten Gründungen vergleichbar sind. Kapitel 4 schließt diese Lücke mittels eines neuen explorativen Datensatzes der den Vergleich zwischen geförderten GründerInnen aus Arbeitslosigkeit und nicht-subventionierten GründerInnen, die bei ihrer Gründung nicht arbeitslos waren erstmalig möglich macht. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass geförderte gegenüber nicht-geförderten GründerInnen keine Nachteile hinsichtlich ihrer formellen Bildung aufweisen, aber geringere arbeits- und industriespezifische Erfahrung besitzen. Zudem befinden sich unter den geförderten GründerInnen häufiger Personen, die sich aus Mangel an abhängigen Erwerbsalternativen selbständig gemacht, und sich in geringerem Umfang auf die Gründung vorbereitet haben. Geförderte GründerInnen haben zudem einen erschwerten Zugang zu Krediten und Gründungskapital. In Bezug auf die Entwicklung der Unternehmung über die Zeit lässt sich feststellen, dass geförderte GründerInnen zwar 19 Monate nach Gründung eine höhere Überlebensrate aufweisen, jedoch in Bezug auf Einkommen, Unternehmenswachstum und Innovation schlechter abschneiden. Kapitel 3 leistet einen Beitrag zur wissenschaftlichen Betrachtung des Gründungsgeschehens im Allgemeinen. Vor dem Hintergrund, dass in Deutschland keine einheitliche und repräsentative Datenquelle existiert, die das gesamte Universum an Gründungen erfasst, gibt Kapitel 3 einen umfassenden Überblick über die wichtigsten deutschen Datenquellen zum Gründungsgeschehen. Zu einem besseren Verständnis des Forschungsgegenstandes bietet das Kapitel auch einen kurzen Überblick über institutionelle Rahmenbedingungen, Konzepte und Definitionen im Zusammenhang mit Gründungsaktivitäten in Deutschland. Der zweite Teil der Dissertation besteht zunächst aus einem Aufsatz, der zur Forschungsliteratur über die Determinanten des Suchverhaltens arbeitsloser Personen beiträgt. Ausgehend von der theoretischen Annahme, dass das Internet Suchhemmnisse auf dem Arbeitsmarkt abbaut, werden der Wirkungszusammenhang zwischen der Nutzung des Internets, Reservationslöhnen, Suchanstrengungen und der Qualität der neuen abhängigen Beschäftigung untersucht. Der dritte Teil der Dissertation (Kapitel 6) betrachtet abschließend einen anderen Forschungsbereich aus der Arbeitsmarktforschung, in dem es die Gründe für die milde Reaktion der deutschen Wirtschaft nach der Großen Rezession 2008/2009 beleuchtet und aufzeigt, welchen zukünftigen großen Herausforderungen sich der deutsche Arbeitsmarkt dennoch gegenübersieht.

Energy is considered as an important element to the economic and social development for the Modern Societies, because it is crucial for generating growth and employment. The proper use of the energy resources lets to develop different productive sectors, for making possible in that way to generate substantial improvements in the lives of the citizens. The signs of several energy agreements, as well as the creation agreement of the Expert Group on Energy (EGE), that works with OLADE advice and are responsible for making an analysis of the South America energy balance, are providing the tools needed to boost the creation of an energy action plan that involves all members of UNASUR. Other agreements were signed to ensure the defense of the resources of the region, by making up an ad-hoc expert group on legal and political matters, which aims to give a concrete regulatory content for the South America Energy Agreement`s structure. This group also is going to work with the Expert Group on Energy (EGE), both of these groups have to report to the South America Energy Council. Some oil companies in South America have conformed a group of national companies between countries of UNASUR, to develop gas production projects, refining oil, etc. This group maintains those regional agreements under the guidelines of the Energy Council, as in the case of Enarsa of Argentina; Petrobras in Brazil; Ecopetrol of Colombia; YPFB of Bolivia; Petroamazonas and Petroecuador of Ecuador; Petroperu and National Fuel, Alcohol and Portland (Ancap) from Uruguay, among others. It is noteworthy that the PDVSA, Venezuelan State Oil, has been which more has interacted with other state companies. This thesis aims to analyze the pattern of energy policy that Ecuador has implemented since 2007, with the government of President Rafael Correa and the Citizen Revolution, the transformation of the energy matrix; it means to change the actual hydrocarbons pattern used by a renewable energy sources pattern. This new pattern is really important to the growth and the development; also it could provide the energy sustainability for welfare of the people. Within the analysis, where there were compared several policies, programs and projects implemented by several countries in the region is remarkable to see the radical change that Ecuador has made to transform its energy sector, with policy changes, institutional reforms, by creating new administrative entities to control and regulation. Progress and significant changes that have been not only consistent with the guidelines established in the South American Energy Treaty, also these measures can be taken as a pattern in others countries. In this regard it is significant to point out that the Ecuadorian energy policy within its new vision, is aiming toward the generation of a new energy infrastructure through investment and better distribution of energy resources. Where the supply of energy to reach all citizens, and of course this new model can be consistent with the integration process, which involves the same two aspects that are complementary: Regulations and Infrastructure. ; La energía considerada como elemento central del desarrollo económico y social de las sociedades modernas, constituye una variable decisiva para la generación de crecimiento y empleo. El aprovechamiento y uso adecuado de los recursos energéticos pero se, permiten el crecimiento de los diferentes sectores productivos, posibilitando de esta manera generar sustanciales mejoras en las condiciones de vida de los pueblos. La firma de varios acuerdos políticos en materia de energía como por ejemplo el acuerdo de creación de un Grupo de Expertos en Energía (GEE), que junto con la asesoría de OLADE, se encarga de elaborar el análisis del balance energético de Suramérica, han proporcionado las herramientas necesarias para impulsar el desarrollo de un plan de acción energético que involucre a todos los miembros de UNASUR. (UNASUR, Declaración de la III Reunión del Consejo Energético de Suramérica, 2012).Se han firmado acuerdos para garantizar la defensa de los recursos de la región, por medio de la constitución de un grupo especializado ad hoc en materia jurídica y política, que pretende darle un contenido normativo concreto a la estructura del Tratado Energético Suramericano, el cual además trabajará en forma coordinada con el grupo de expertos enenergía y a su vez reportan al Consejo Energético de Suramérica. En esta línea varias petroleras suramericanas, han conformado una agrupación de empresas nacionales de países miembros de la UNASUR para desarrollar proyectos de producción de gas, refinación, etc. Manteniendo acuerdos regionales bajo los lineamientos del Consejo Energético, tal es el caso de Enarsa, de Argentina; Petrobras, de Brasil; Ecopetrol, de Colombia; YPFB, de Bolivia; Petroamazonas y Petroecuador, de Ecuador; Petroperú y Administración Nacional de Combustibles, Alcohol y Portland (Ancap), de Uruguay, entre otros. Cabe mencionar que la estatal venezolana PDVSA es la que más ha interactuado con otras empresas estatales. (SOLANO, 2014). La presente tesis tiene como objetivo analizar el modelo de política energética que el Ecuador ha implementado desde el año 2007, con el gobierno del Presidente Rafael Correa y la Revolución Ciudadana, orientado principalmente a la transformación de la matriz energética, es decir lograr la transición de un modelo altamente dependiente de los hidrocarburos, hacia un modelo que adopta fuentes renovables de energía, fundamentales en el desarrollo y el crecimiento económico de los pueblos, y que además proporcione la sustentabilidad energética para los pueblos. Dentro del análisis realizado, donde se comparó varias políticas, programas y proyectos aplicados por varios países de la región, es notable ver el cambio radical que Ecuador hizo en transformar su sector energético, con cambios normativos, reformas institucionales, creación de nuevos entes administrativos de control y regulación. Avances y cambios significativos que han sido no solo consecuentes con los lineamientos establecidos en el Tratado Energético Suramericano, sino además ejemplos a seguir para varios países. En este sentido es considerable resaltar que la política energética ecuatoriana, dentro de su nueva visión, esta direccionada hacia la generación de una nueva infraestructura energética, mediante la inversión y mejor distribución de los recursos energéticos. Donde el suministro de energía llegue a todos los ciudadanos, y este nuevo modelo sea consecuente con el Proceso de Integración, el mismo que involucra dos aspectos que son complementarios: Normativa e Infraestructura.

I am pleased to introduce the next issue of the International Journal for Educational Integrity. This issue includes revised papers from two key conferences in 2009: the 4th Asia Pacific Conference on Educational Integrity (4APCEI, Wollongong University, Australia), and the Center for Academic Integrity Annual International Conference (Washington University, US), as well as two original papers. The issue is truly international, with authors representing the United States, the Ukraine and Australia. Daniel Wueste, Director of the Rutland Institute for Ethics, and Teddi Fishman, Director of the recently renamed International Center for Academic Integrity, provide a framing piece for the issue, with their paper from 4APCEI which explores the limitations of customer service approaches in higher education. Wueste and Fishman, while acknowledging the seductive appeal of likening students to "customers", particularly as part of the "total quality movement", provide a rigorous critique of this potentially dangerous discourse. The authors demonstrate how education differs quite significantly from commerce and argue that "looking to professional practice for help in understanding the educational enterprise holds considerably more promise than looking to business practiceâ€. Wueste and Fishman are forthright in their assertion that education is based on a reciprocal relationship between teacher and learner (rather than a transaction between vendor and vendee), and that intrinsic to this relationship is a shared commitment to integrity. Following on from Wueste's and Fishman's call for a re-articulation of values in higher education, are two papers from the CAI conference. Joanna Gilmore, Denise Strickland, Briana Timmerman, Michelle Maher (all from the University of South Carolina) and David Feldon (University of Virginia), investigate plagiarism by graduate students. Working with a sample of 113 masters and doctoral students from three university sites, representing technology, engineering, mathematics, or mathematics or science education, the researchers examined students' research proposals and conducted semi-structured interviews. Their key finding was that while plagiarism was a prevalent issue (almost 40% of the proposals contained notable plagiarism), this appeared to be largely unintentional due to a lack of disciplinary enculturation. Notably, this lack of disciplinary enculturation was further compounded for English as a Second Language (ESL) students at the pre-proposal stage, who also had to grapple with cultural differences, English language issues and a variety of other factors. William Hanson from Anderson University in California uses grounded theory and graph theory based analysis to create a "faculty ethics logic model" based on his research at a small, religiously affiliated university. Hanson sought to operationalise participant realities of the primary forces that drive teaching or resolving ethics issues and discovered that informal elements, rather than formal institutional influence, played a major role in response strategies. In particular, faculty members used existing knowledge, resources/artefacts, goals and beliefs and their actions were shaped by work group influence and collective norms within a Christian framework. Hanson concluded that ethics policy "cannot be wholly forced upon its members… informal institutional principles originate from faculty†and that teachers "must be considered as primary change agents in ethics reform." This research has important implications in the context of academic integrity, pointing as it does to the central, although often informal role of teachers in nurturing and promoting academic integrity on campus. Jason Stephens (University of Connecticut), Volodymyr Romakin (Petro Mohyla State University, Ukraine) and Mariya Yukhymenko (University of Connecticut) extend previous studies which have compared cheating behaviours of US undergraduate students with students from other cultures, by investigating academic motivation and misconduct by Ukrainian students. Based on a self-report survey with a sample of 189 students from each country, their study investigated the differences between US and Ukrainian students' task value, goal orientations, moral beliefs and cheating behaviours. Significant differences between the two groups were found, most notably that Ukrainian students reported lower judgements about the wrongfulness of cheating behaviours, and correspondingly higher levels of engagement in cheating behaviour. In particular, academic task value was a significant predictor of cheating beliefs and behaviours for the Ukrainian students: the more useful and interesting the course was perceived to be, the less likely the Ukrainian students were to cheat - a finding which has clear implications for all educators, but particularly those working with Ukrainian students. The final paper by Australian authors, Robert Kennelly, Anna Maldoni and Doug Davis (University of Canberra) provides appropriate closure to this issue. While Wueste and Fishman opened the issue by exhorting us to re-examine the value and purpose of higher education, Kennelly et al. do just that by reminding readers that educational integrity requires more than a pledge from students not to cheat. All stakeholders, from those at the highest administrative level, to those instructors teaching occasional tutorials, need to be deeply committed to the learning needs of the diverse classroom. International EAL (English as an Additional Language) students in Australian universities have long carried the burden associated with the customer service model of higher education critiqued by Wueste and Fishman. International EAL students pay high tuition fees, have additional expenses and responsibilities to fulfil English language requirements (in most Australian universities, a minimum International English Language Test Score (IELTS) of 6.00 for undergraduate entry), and in many instances, find at arrival that this IELTS score is inadequate for the level of oral and written communication required. Furthermore, with decreasing government funding and the demise of student unions, the level of on-campus services has gradually declined, so that students not only struggle with their academic load, they are often lonely and isolated. The discipline-based approach to academic and language development trialled, evaluated and recommended by Kennelly et al. goes some way to addressing the academic needs of this group of students. Using data from six consecutive semesters, the authors provide compelling evidence that team-taught, disciplined-based support programs have the potential to improve international EAL students' competence in academic and critical literacy skills, while simultaneously building English language proficiency. I trust you will enjoy this issue of the International Journal for Educational Integrity, and invite you to submit manuscripts for review for Volume 7(1), to be published in mid-2011. Volume 6(2) is being guest edited by Chris Moore and Ruth Walker, on the topic of 'digital technologies and educational integrity' and is due to be published in December this year. Tracey Bretag, IJEI Editor tracey.bretag@unisa.edu.au

В поле исследовательского интереса данной статьи оказались не просто отдельные регионы с их экономической ситуацией и политическими режимами, а наиболее выраженные изменения, произошедшие в политических институтах регионов в связи с начатой при В. Путине федеральной реформой. Цель статьи не просто описать процессы, происходящие внутри отдельных регионов, но оценить, насколько они видоизменяются от одного региона к другому; какие ресурсы начинают играть определяющую роль в формировании взаимодействия между центром и регионами; раскрыть как общие, так и специфические тенденции политической адаптации регионов к новым правилам политической игры, которые инициируются федеральным центром. ; The article is devoted to the analysis of those political transformations which have taken place at the level of separate regions since the beginning of Putin's reforms. The research is carried out with the use of the method of in-depth interview. The goal of the research was to find out if there is any direct dependence between the policy of the Center and the resource of the influence of regional authorities. How do regional authorities react to the existent transformations and how do they «fit» in the new political reality? Is regional opposition possible today? As the object of the research we chose the subjects of Russian Federation strong in the economic sense, in which stable and effective authority had been formed Perm, Yaroslavl and Sverdlovsk regions. We conducted the survey of the representatives of political, administrative and economic elite of these regions. We collected and processed 80 in-depth interviews with the representatives of elite groups in these regions, including the opinions of leading regional experts. What are the results of the research? The estimation of regional elites showed that there is a sharp decrease of the potential of regional elites' influence on the federal Center. Such decrease was the consequence not only of the dismantling of the Council of Federation, regional associations, but also of the fundamental change of the rules of interaction between federal and regional elites, when it became normal to ignore the proposals of regional elites, to reject joint discussion of the problems, existing in regional communities. In current situation regional elites consider as the most effective the language of informal agreements, and the model of bargaining becomes determining in the process of interaction with the Center. In this sense the «authority vertical», understood as hierarchyzation of relations between political players of the Center and regions has in fact been constructed. However such conclusion cannot be drawn with regard to the intraregional situation. The materials of the interviews give an opportunity to say, that within the conditions when the federal authority has strengthened the centralized direction of its policy, the governors began to «look for their niche» in the new system of authority. That is why the governors nowadays «embed themselves in the new political system and master the new rules of the game». The results of the conducted research show that the resources of this authority are being modified. This tendency is especially clearly traced within the resource base of the governors' authority. #####> Summaries169 ##### 39 The most important tendency discovered during the research consists in the fact that the resources of the governor authority are not just reducing or increasing; they are becoming different, obtaining a different structure. Within the developing situation the resources of the governor are not reproduced in an accelerative way due to political institutes of a region. That is why the dominant role in the dynamics of the resource base begins to be played by the efforts of the governor himself and his team aimed at the construction of controlled political regime in his region. The differentiation of political regional regimes remains high in spite of the attempts to unify them, this is one of the reasons why the level of maturity of political institutes in regions essentially differs one from another, as well as the character of leadership and the ambitions of those who are at their head. An important characteristic of the resource base of the governor during the period of Putin's leadership is not only its volume, but also the ability to deal with the available potential, possibility to search for and to find new resources of personal influence instead of those which became invalid. Among them there is the type of interaction with the main political and economic players on the field of regional policy. The more a governor is capable of taking into account the interests of many people, but first of all the interests of the powerful regional actors, the larger is the volume of resources he has at his disposal, in spite of the type of the vertical constructed by the federal Center. The presence of any vertical cannot cancel the interests of political players in a region, though sometimes they shift from the field of public policy to the informal agreements, but they do not completely disappear. Consequently, the conducted analysis allows to speak about the fact that today there is no decline of the resource base of a governor within a region. The efforts of a governor and his team, especially within the conditions of the donor-regions, allow them to restore a part of political resources due to the efforts undertaken. The emergence of new political resources give a governor an opportunity to keep a high level of political control in a region, in spite of leaving the public space of the federal policy. By the estimations of regional elites and experts, in future one should not expect the catastrophic decline of the resource base of regional elites. The research allows us to make a conclusion that we can hardly expect the evident opposition of the elites towards the Center within the public political space. The consolidation of regional elites against the federal Center is possible only in the situation of the threat towards personal condition. An important reason for the locality of the opposition of regional elites is the unformed character of the interregional institutes, in the framework of which such opposition could have been formed. This fact does not cancel the informal pressure and the future activation of the model of bargaining in the relations between political players of the Center and those of Russian regions.

La tesi è stata intitolata "Change the System From Within". La participatory democracy e le riforme istituzionali negli Stati Uniti degli anni Sessanta e si compone di cinque capitoli. Nel primo capitolo si riprende l'idea di participatory democracy emersa in seno alla New Left e ai movimenti sociali dei lunghi anni Sessanta. In questo contesto il concetto di participatory democracy assunse due principali accezioni: da una parte rappresentava la rivendicazione politica di un maggior coinvolgimento attivo della cittadinanza nelle politiche - locali, statali e federali - frutto della crisi di legittimità che la democrazia americana stava attraversando in quegli anni; dall'altra, il concetto venne adottato come principio organizzativo all'interno dei gruppi stessi di attivisti, con la funzione di prefigurare quelle riforme politico-istituzionali cui gli stessi militanti aspiravano. Dalla stessa temperie di contestazione sorse del resto anche la critica che alcuni studiosi mossero alla teoria liberale pluralista e alla sua esemplificazione nella coeva democrazia americana. Nel primo capitolo si mostra proprio come da quelle rielaborazioni critiche degli anni Sessanta emerse anche il primo modello di participatory democracy in seno alla teoria politica, sviluppato pienamente negli anni Settanta e Ottanta da Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson e Benjamin Barber. Questa parte del lavoro di tesi si propone quindi di accostare alle pratiche partecipative introdotte dai movimenti anche la ricostruzione dello sviluppo graduale di una teoria politica della participatory democracy. Tale riflessione è completata da un'analisi storica di ampio raggio, necessaria a meglio contestualizzare il fenomeno e ad includere le nuove richieste democratiche nell'ambito di una tradizione democratico-rappresentativa già dotata di istituti partecipativi di democrazia diretta. Chiarito il quadro storico-politico degli anni Sessanta, il secondo capitolo analizza la ricezione dell'idea di participatory democracy nelle politiche federali. A questo proposito si illustra come il principio di citizen participation fosse stato recepito già con la War on Poverty promossa da Lindon B. Johnson alla metà degli anni Sessanta e fu mantenuto, con esiti istituzionali differenti, almeno fino alla fine della presidenza Carter. Si dimostra inoltre che, malgrado il dettato legislativo federale fosse spesso approssimativo sulle modalità operative, quel principio ebbe in realtà un notevole impatto sulle relazioni intergovernative. Tale principio favorì ad esempio l'intraprendenza di molti amministratori locali nel promuovere il decentramento amministrativo e politico su base di quartiere. Nel terzo capitolo l'analisi affronta le principali trasformazioni in senso partecipativo avvenute nei sistemi di governo statali e locali negli anni Settanta, mettendole in relazione anche alle dinamiche intergovernative di più lungo periodo. Il capitolo è strutturato in modo tale da evidenziare il tendenziale recupero e rafforzamento di istituti già esistenti, come l'initiative, i public hearing e gli school district come strumenti di rivendicazione del community control in alcune città di grandi dimensioni. Mentre il secondo e terzo capitolo tendono a osservare le riforme istituzionali degli anni Settanta in senso partecipativo in seno al governo federale, statale e locale, i due successivi capitoli mirano ad osservare l'impatto della participatory democracy nel confronto tra attivismo militante e pratiche amministrative tradizionali degli anni Settanta. Il quarto capitolo è infatti dedicato all'ingresso della nuova generazione di politici progressisti nelle amministrazioni locali e statali fra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la prima metà degli anni Settanta. Per analizzarlo si è deciso di analizzare come principale caso di studio la Conference on Alternative State and Local Policy (CASLP), una organizzazione e forum nazionale che mirava proprio ad unire alle istanze dei progressisti una expertise di governo. Nell'ambito della CASLP, la cosiddetta Coalizione progressista di Berkeley, CA, fornì un caso esemplare di strategia di confronto con le istituzioni locali e per questo il capitolo le dedica una attenta disanima. La pluriennale esperienza di azione collettiva dei progressisti di Berkeley nell'arena istituzionale è infatti rilevante sia per l'innovazione nella strategia istituzionale, sia per attestare una evoluzione dell'idea di participatory democracy nel tempo. Il quinto capitolo ricostruisce ed analizza la carriera politica di Tom Hayden negli anni in cui passò dall'attivismo alla politica istituzionale, con la campagna elettorale per diventare Senatore della California in Congresso (1975-1976) e la successiva Campaign for Economic Democracy (1976-1982), confermando la spiccata propensione del leader all'innovazione istituzionale in senso partecipativo. In particolare, nella campagna elettorale per il Senato del Congresso del 1976 Hayden riuscì a implementare forme di decision-making partecipato in seno allo staff. Nella gestione del personale cercò inoltre di favorire l'empowerment di volontari e cittadini senza perdere di vista i requisiti essenziali per la sopravvivenza della campagna: fundraising e propaganda. In linea con la sua battaglia contro le distorsioni economiche del big business, scelse di non accettare fondi da corporation e banche e riuscì nell'intento di essere sostenuto per gran parte da small donors. Hayden dunque introdusse pratiche di participatory democracy in seno alla campagna elettorale e continuò a rivendicare la sua fiducia nella forza dei movimenti grass-roots. L'analisi storica, ad ogni modo, evidenzia anche le criticità che derivavano dall'uso di pratiche partecipative nella governance della campagna elettorale. Atttraverso l'analisi teorica e politico-istituzionale della democrazia partecipativa americana fra gli anni Sessanta e Settanta su vari livelli istituzionali (federale, statale e locale), questo progetto di ricerca tenta quindi di colmare un vuoto storiografico e, al tempo stesso intende contribuire alla definizione storico-istituzionale della participatory democracy in seno alla democrazia rappresentativa degli Stati Uniti. Infine, la presente ricerca mira a inserirsi nel dibattito pubblico contemporaneo sulla participatory democracy, offrendo una visione storico-istituzionale importante per meglio comprendere il fenomeno e che, finora, non ha ricevuto l'attenzione che meriterebbe. ; Chapter 1 retrieves the idea of participatory democracy stemmed from the Long 1960s New Left and the following social movements. Indeed, the concept of participatory democracy mainly acquired two slightly different shapes in that historical framework. From one hand, it meant the broad political call for common citizens' greater involvement in the policy-making - at the local, state and federal level. That request was in fact a reply to the ongoing crisis of the American democracy, in terms of political legitimacy and social representation of minorities and poor people. In the other hand, participatory democracy represented the organizing principle adopted by most of the grass-roots groups of that period, with a clear prefigurative function. Indeed, making the activist groups' inner decision-making participatory was a way for the collectives to anticipate the institutional changes they aspired to. In the meantime, because of the same disaffection against the raising social and political inequalities, some political science scholars elaborated a critique to the pluralist version of the liberal democracy - then the most praised one, as well as credited as it was embodied in the American democracy. Those 1960s critiques were eventually used to conceive the first political theory of participatory democracy in the 1970s and 1980s, as Chapter 1 shows. The participatory democracy's canon was in fact mostly developed by Carole Pateman, Crawford B. Macpherson and Benjamin Barber. Beside the intellectual history of participatory democracy from 1960s to 1980s, Chapter 1 allows to contextualize ideas and practices of common citizens' participation into the wider history of the American Political Development. According to that, chapter 1 also provides a detailed analysis of the participatory political institutions that were traditionally part of the United States representative democracy. Chapter 2 verifies whether the 1960s idea of participatory democracy actually affected the federal public policies of the late 1960s and 1970s. Indeed the principle of "citizen participation" was introduced in some of the War on Poverty legislations, promoted by Lyndon B. Johnson since the mid-1960s. Although the heterogeneous institutional effects, that principle was maintained in some grant-in-aid projects until the end of the Carter administration, through the Nixon and Ford administrations. Therefore, the political meanings assumed by the idea of "citizen participation" and its institutional consequences from 1964 to 1980 are carefully analyzed in chapter 2. Moreover, chapter 2 shows that the principle of citizen participation had such a strong impact on the intergovernmental relations. It thus brought forward, for instance, the local public officers' entrepreneurship towards the local devolution, shifting the administrative and political power base from the center to the neighborhood. Chapter 3 deals with the 1970s main institutional reforms aimed at introducing the common citizens' participation in the government decision-making at the state and local levels. Those reforms are deeply related to some long-lasting intergovernmental dynamics and this relationship is also argued. The same chapter's lay-out is vowed to underline the 1970s general trend of retrieval and enhancing of traditional institutions, such as the initiative (direct democracy), the public hearings and the school districts. The school board was indeed reevaluated and reshaped as a means of community control in the biggest cities. As chapters 2 and 3 aim at exploring the implementation of participatory reforms in the federal, state and local level of government, chapters 4 and 5 aim at inquiring the participatory democracy's impact on the 1970s boundary of polity - the space where activism meets political institutions. Chapter 4 inquires the new generations of progressive politicians entering the local and state administrations from the late 1960s to the mid-1970s. To frame that national phenomenon, the historical analysis use the Conference of Alternative States and Local Policies (CASLP) as a case study. CASLP was indeed a national organization born in 1975 to give voice to the progressive public officers around the country and allowed them sharing their government experiences for a more effective institutional impact. Inside CASLP, the progressive coalition of Berkeley, CA (called Berkeley Citizens' Action, BCA) was especially spotted for its exemplary strategy to confront local political institutions. The 1970s BCA's political actions are thus specifically analyzed. In fact, the institutional approach of the Berkeley progressive coalition resulted to be innovative in terms of strategy as well as successful in introducing new forms of participatory democracy into the local government, assessing the 1970s evolution of the participatory democracy political theory and practices. Chapter 5 retraces the political career of the former New Left leader Tom Hayden during the years of turning from activism to institutional politics. Especially, the analysis focuses on the 1975-1976 U.S. Senate Campaign and the following Campaign for Economic Democracy (CED), a coalition project and organization led by Hayden with the goal of mobilizing activists and public officers around the issues of economic justice, environmental and economic public policies (1976-1982). That period - just before Hayden was elected representative at the California Legislature in 1982 - is thus analyzed as a testing ground to verify his long-lasting commitment towards participatory democracy. The historical and political analysis, based on original archival findings, confirms Hayden's inclination for institutional innovation in the participatory realm. In particular, during the 1975-1976 electoral campaign for the U.S. Senate in California Hayden introduced participatory forms of decision-making involving staff people, volunteers and supporting grass-roots groups. Moreover, that campaign's staff and people management was conceived in order to directly empower citizens and volunteers, without losing track of the campaigning basic requirements (e. g. fundraising and propaganda). As he stood against big business and economic inequalities, he chose to reject fundings from corporations and banks. Therefore his electoral campaign was mostly sustained by small donors. Hayden successfully made the campaigning more open, accountable and participatory and kept on sponsoring his trust in community organizing and grass-roots social movements even in his following political endeavour, CED. Eventually, the investigation casts lights on the strengths, as well as the critical issues, produced by the Hayden's participatory governance of campaigning. By the means of analysing the intellectual history and the institutional implementation of participatory democracy during late 1960s-1970s United States, this research project firstly aims at making up the lack of historiography about the topic. In the second stance, grounding the institutional and political history of participatory democracy in the United States representative democracy - where the concept was born - this research project intends to provide a first genealogy of the participatory democracy's institutional implementation. In this sense, the research projects wants also to contribute to the contemporary debate on the participatory democracy. It is indeed a compelling and popular issue in many worldwide political arenas, but it is still rarely defined by its historical and institutional terms.

Doing business in India 2009 is the first country specific subnational report of the doing business series that measures business regulations and their enforcement across India. Doing business in India 2009 covers 10 out of the 12 previously measured cities, and documents their progress. It adds 7 new locations, expanding the study to 17 locations. Comparisons with the rest of the world are based on the indicators in doing business 2009. The indicators in doing business in India 2009 are also comparable with the data in other subnational and regional doing business reports. The indicators are used to analyze economic outcomes and identify what reforms have worked, where, and why. Other areas that significantly affect business, such as a country's proximity to markets, the quality of infrastructure services (other than services related to the trading across borders indicator), the security of property from theft and looting, the transparency of government procurement, macroeconomic conditions, or the underlying strength of institutions, are not directly studied by doing business.

Doing business sheds light on how easy or difficult it is for a local entrepreneur to open and run a small to medium-size business when complying with relevant regulations. It measures and tracks changes in regulations affecting 10 areas in the life cycle of a business: starting a business, dealing with construction permits, getting electricity, registering property, getting credit, protecting investors, paying taxes, trading across borders, enforcing contracts and resolving insolvency. In a series of annual reports doing business presents quantitative indicators on business regulations and the protection of property rights that can be compared across 183 economies, from Afghanistan to Zimbabwe, over time. This economy profile presents the doing business indicators for East African Community. To allow useful comparison, it also provides data for other selected economies (comparator economies) for each indicator. The data in this report are current as of June 1, 2011 (except for the paying taxes indicators, which cover the period January-December 2010).

Discussions of competition and regulatory reform typically focus on price and quantity effects. But improving certain infrastructure services can also stimulate entry, and competition in user industries downstream, allowing new firms to enter, incumbent users to offer new products, and rivalry to intensify. The authors present a case study of how innovations in road freight services affect selected downstream users of those services after regulatory reform. After a period of rigid regulation, and heavy government interference, Mexico in 1989 developed a new policy framework for road transport, with free entry, and market-based price setting. The result: faster, more reliable trucking has allowed user companies to offer new, previously unavailable products, and to reach new areas with existing products. Cheaper, more customer-responsive trucking services have allowed logistical innovations in user firms, and some user firms have decided not to keep their own fleets of trucks, but to outsource trucking services on the open market, thereby converting fixed costs to variable costs. For one fertilizer company, the benefits of reform included a ten percent improvement in operating margin. Successful reform requires careful planning and execution, and political support at high levels. Regulatory reform also profoundly changes the sectoral institution formerly responsible for the regulation. Enough resources should be provided to help organizations in the reformed industry make the transition to the post-reform environment - helping with such tasks as defining the organizations new role, and facilitating the redeployment of staff. The national competition agency can help greatly in laying the groundwork for reform by making a compelling case for the reforms expected benefits. After reform, the competition agency should also help with enforcement, to ensure that the cozy, cartel-like behavior stimulated by tight entry restrictions does not persist. In Mexico, three strong interventions were required to discipline attempted anti-competitive practices in the trucking industry in the years following reform.