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In the aftermath of the Arab Spring, Maxime Rodinson's Marxist analyses of contemporary politics and economics in the Muslim world are more salient than ever. In this collection, Rodinson emphasizes the economic and political, rather than religious, characteristics of Islam, covering topics like the history of the Marxist movement in the Islamic Middle East; the dialogue between socialism and Islam, and Marxism and Arab nationalism; the relationship between national conflicts and class struggle, and the history of communism in Arab states such as Syria and Egypt. Unashamedly political and polemical, Rodinson offers an insightful picture of political Islam and Marxism, and their profound implications for the Arab working class and the future of the region.--

The Social Origins of the Welfare State traces the evolution of the first universal laws for Qu?c families, passed during the Second World War. In this translation of her award-winning Aux origines sociales de l?tat-providence, Dominique Marshall examines the connections between political initiatives and Qu?cois families, in particular the way family allowances and compulsory schooling primarily benefited teenage boys who worked on family farms and girls who stayed home to help with domestic labour. She demonstrates that, while the promises of a minimum of welfare and education for all were b

AbstractSocial work theorists have begun talking about a fundamental shift in social work education, marked as the rise of decoloniality and decolonial thinking. Within this context, distinct social work formulations that make a fundamental break from past paradigms are being posited in the form of decolonial social work. In India, decolonial social work is constituted primarily by two theories—Tribal Social Work and Dalit Social Work. The former arising directly out of British colonialism and the latter premised on an anti-caste social work perspective. Taking the case of tribal policy with specific reference to principles of governance vis., tribes an attempt is made to historicise the same from a decolonial social work lens. The article contextualises tribal policy in India, lays the framework of decolonial social work, historicise principles of governance from a decolonial lens, draws out the underlying political structure that embeds these principles and throws new light on key theoretical debates concerning policy practice.

"This examination of normalization attempts between the U.S. and Vietnam begins in the late 1970s but focuses largely on the 1990s, when the author was involved as the Director for Indochina, Office of the U.S. Secretary of Defense. Topics addressed include trade, immigration, and POW/MIA concerns"--Provided by publisher

Intro -- International Relations under Risk: Framing State Choice -- Contents -- Preface and Acknowledgments -- 1. Competing Models of Decision Making -- INTRODUCTION -- COGNITION AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS THEORY -- PROSPECT THEORY -- ASSESSMENT -- CHAPTER SUMMARY -- 2. Prospect Theory andInternational Relations -- INTRODUCTION -- ARGUMENTS AGAINST PROSPECT THEORY -- PROSPECT THEORY AND THE STUDYOF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS -- CONCLUSION -- 3. The Use of Power -- INTRODUCTION -- STATUS QUO, SUBJECTIVITY, AND DECISION FRAMES -- POWER AND COERCION -- MILITARY DETERRENCE -- ECONOMIC THREATS -- TWO-LEVEL ECONOMIC THREAT MODEL -- THE FAILURE OF SANCTIONS -- CONCLUSION -- 4. Cooperation -- INTRODUCTION -- PROPOSITIONS ON NEGOTIATION AND COOPERATION -- COOPERATION AND THE PRISONER'S DILEMMA -- IS COOPERATION RISKY OR SAFE? -- STRATEGIC CHOICE -- COOPERATION AND THE TRAGEDY OF THE COMMONS -- CONCLUSION -- 5. A Unified Theoryof Preferences -- INTRODUCTION -- THE GAINS DEBATE -- THE PROBLEM OF FIXED PREFERENCES -- CONSTRUCTIVISM AND THE GAINS DEBATE -- UNIFYING PREFERENCES -- POWER, PREFERENCES, AND STRATEGIES -- CONCLUSION -- 6. The European Community -- BACKGROUND -- FOREIGN POLICY IN A COMMUNITY -- THE DECISION FRAME PRIOR TO VIENNA -- NEGOTIATING AT VIENNA: 1982-1985 -- RELATIVE OR ABSOLUTE GAINS? -- THE FORMATION OF A LOSSES FRAME -- THE EUROPEAN GAMBLE -- CONCLUSION -- 7. The United States -- BACKGROUND -- BANNING CFCS PRIOR TO A DECISION FRAME -- AMERICAN PASSIVITY -- THE ALLIANCE FOR CFCS -- AN INADVERTENT LOSSES FRAME -- THE MOVE TO MULTILATERALISM:VIENNA AND MONTREAL -- CONCLUSION -- 8. Conclusions -- PREFERENCES AND FRAMES -- REALISM AND COOPERATION -- RISK ACCEPTANCE, COOPERATION, AND REGIME DESIGN -- POWER, LEVERAGE, AND DOMESTIC WIN-SETS -- THE "OZONE HOLE" -- THE PROMISE OF A COGNITIVE RESEARCH PROGRAM -- Notes -- References.

The importance of irregular military companies has been increasing for Russia since it began its war against Ukraine in 2014/15. These military companies act in coordination with the Russian Ministry of Defense, the Federal Security Service (FSB), the foreign intelligence service, and the presidential administration. Russia's mercenaries practice exterminatory warfare, and operate as parallel or shadow armies, which can rarely be held accountable.

Gonzenbach and Mitrook review 'Political Communication in Action: States, Institutions, Movements, Audiences' edited by David L. Paletz.

Studies of early social policy development highlight the progressive role of farmers, especially in Scandinavian countries. I argue that this notion does not match with the role played by farmer's representatives or the party in parliament. Being ideologically committed to more market‐oriented solutions, less exposed to labour market risks and fearing for their labour supply, Farmers as a social group and party, I argue, had strong incentives to resist welfare state expansion. This study moves beyond single events or a small selection of reforms used in previous studies, to ascertain preferences of farmers over all welfare reforms undertaken up to 1940. Using newly collected data on roll calls for 308 failed and successful legislative proposals in Norway between 1882 and 1940, totalling 24,791 votes this approach allows for greater precision in measuring the preferences of classes and parties on welfare policy. I find that farmer MPs as a class and later as a party consistently downvote generous welfare compared to the worker parties. Conservatives and Farmers turn out to be equally antagonistic to welfare proposals compared to Labour. This pattern is not substantially transformed during the period of Worker–Farmer coalitions of the 1930s. Further, considering the backgrounds of Members of Parliament (MP), farmers' representatives systematically vote against generous welfare proposals, even voting and vocally protesting coverage extensions to the rural sector. It is therefore doubtful whether the origins of Scandinavian universalism prior to 1940 can be found in the role played by farmers.

Compares the strategies regarding campaign contributions to state legislative candidates by political action committees and by political party organizations; based on elections in New Jersey, Pennsylvania, and North Carolina, 1985-88.

"Serial no. J-106-9." ; Shipping list no.: 2000-0130-P. ; Distributed to some depository libraries in microfiche. ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Mode of access: Internet.

AbstractThis study focuses on how voters and politicians rationally select a preferred policy-making venue (Politician or Agency), and its implications for the principal-agent relationship between voters and politicians in a representative democracy. This study allows for incomplete information, as well as solving for the comparative static conditions pertaining to the extent that a politician's policy-making venue choices mirror those preferred by a representative voter. The comparative static results highlight when a politician (1) chooses the representative voter's preferred policy-making venue (ActiveorPassive Political Responsiveness); (2) is able to choose freely either policy-making venue without committing agency loss (Political Discretion); and (3) willing to deviate from the representative voter's preferred policy-making venue (Political Shirking). In contrast to the study by Spence, this study analytically demonstrates that one cannot infer that the benefits accrued from agency policy-making will necessarily exceed those from electoral institutions.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Chapter 1: Call To Action -- Battle for Equality -- The Battle's Philosopher -- Battle Lines -- The Battle's First General -- Stanton and Anthony Meet -- Chapter 2: A NATION AT WAR -- Secession -- Women's Movement Begins -- Anthony and Stanton Speak Out -- Beginnings of Civil War -- War Years -- After the War -- Chapter 3: ONE WOMAN VOTES -- Paving the Way -- Registering and Voting -- The Arrest -- The Trial -- The Supreme Court Decision -- Chapter 4: MOVEMENT WEST -- Suffrage in Utah -- Catt in Colorado -- WCTU Joins the Colorado Campaign -- Why the West? -- Chapter 5: SOME RIGHTS EXTENDED -- Widening Horizons -- The Anti-suffragists -- Suffrage Groups Unite -- Chapter 6: AFRICAN AMERICAN SUFFRAGISTS -- Black Women Discarded -- Sojourner Truth -- Parallel Paths -- Mary Church Terrell -- Ida B. Wells-Barnett -- Racism Within -- Chapter 7: FRACTURED -- Anthony and Stanton Disagree -- Harriot Stanton Blatch -- Five More States -- MAP - Votes for Women 1890-1919 -- Chapter 8: NEW CENTURY, OLD BATTLE -- New Leadership -- Liquor Forces -- Chapter 9: NEW TACTICS -- Militancy -- Parades to Persuade -- Paul and Shaw Split -- Chapter 10: ANOTHER WAR -- The Plan -- The Rift Grows -- Iron-Jawed Angels -- Night of Terror -- Silent Sentinels -- Chapter 11: FINAL BATTLE -- Congressional Journey -- New Congress -- Road to Ratification -- The Thirty-sixth State -- One Hundred Years -- Chapter 12: EPILOGUE -- TIMELINE -- CHAPTER NOTES -- FURTHER READING -- INDEX -- Back Cover