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Die Klima-Entscheidungen der Großen Kammer des Europäischen Gerichtshofs für Menschenrechte (EGMR) sind wegweisend. Auf den ersten Blick ist jedoch nicht vollkommen klar, wie sie sich auf das nationale Klimarecht der Vertragsstaaten der Europäischen Menschenrechtskonvention (EMRK) auswirken werden. Haben die strategischen Klimaklagen den von ihnen erwünschten Durchbruch erzielt, der das nationale Klimarecht revolutionieren wird?
Der Erste Fortschrittsbericht zur Umsetzung des Nationalen Integrationsplans vom 12. Juli 2007 enthält eine erste Zwischenbilanz mit Stand Oktober 2008.
The Romanian Parliament can be dissolved, from a strictly formal point of view, only according to Article 89 of the Romanian Constitution. This constitutional procedure was designed from the very beginning in such a way that it is almost impossible to implement. At first glance, there is no alternative to the procedure described in the Constitution for Parliament dissolution. Still, if one analysis the text of the Constitution, both in relation with the constitutional theory and the practical experiences of comparative law, finds out mat there is another possibility. The Parliament can also be dissolved by the election of a new Constituent Assembly, which will draft the text of a new Constitution. The Parliament dissolution can happen at any time, through the initiative of a referendum for the formation of a Constituent Assembly. We are not talking about a revision of the Constitution, for which there are specific norms (Title VII, Articles 150-152) and which can lead to the changing of some articles; we are talking about a completely changed Constitution, with a new structure and a content that will be in accordance with the political realities of Romania's membership to the European Union. It was often said that, until now, the Parliament was not dissolved by applying constitutional provisions. In fact, this is not true. It will be argued that there was a case, under the present Constitution, when the Parliament self-dissolved. This event took place in 1992, before parliamentary elections. [.] ; Demokratiškoje valstybėje suverenitetas priklauso tautai, kuri pati referendumu priima Konstituciją. Po 1989 m. Revoliucijos Rumunijos Tautos valia buvo priimtas teisės aktas, įkuriantis Steigiamąją Asamblėją. Konstitucijoje nustatyta, jog jokia kita valstybės valdžios institucija negali varžyti Steigiamosios Asamblėjos veiklos, todėl tik Konstitucija nustato Steigiamosios Asamblėjos jurisdikcijos - mandato ribas. Tačiau čia kyla esminis klausimas: ar Steigiamoji Asamblėja gali pakeisti visą Konstituciją, ar tik jos dalį? Ieškodamas atsakymo į šį klausimą, straipsnyje autorius analizuoja konstitucijų keitimo tvarkos specifiką, Pagal Rumunijos Respublikos Konstitucijos 89 straipsnis parlamentas gali būti paleistas, tačiau ši nuostata yra praktiškai neįgyvendinama. Kita vertus, jeigu nuosekliai analizuosime Konstitucijos tekstą, remdamiesi konstitucinės teisės teorija ir praktine demokratinių valstybių patirtimi, surasime kitų galimybių. Parlamentas taip pat gali būti paleistas, išrinkus naują Steigiamąją Asamblėją, kuri tuomet galėtų parengti naują šalies Konstitucijos projektą. Siame straipsnyje neanalizuojami pavieniai Konstitucijos straipsnių pakeitimai, kurie yra būtini Rumunijos politiniam gyvenimui, pavyzdžiui, dėl narystės Europos Sąjungoje. [.].
In this paper we estimate price and income elasticities of demand for a series of housing characteristics (quantity, quality and location) using the information contained in four cross sections of properties appraised in the city of Barcelona in the period 1998-2001. To do so we employ the two-stage approach proposed by Rosen (1974), estimating hedonic price equations for different districts in order to subsequently estimate the corresponding demand equations of various characteristics. The results allow us to analyse the complementarity or substitutability relationships among the characteristics analysed, and also to catalogue these characteristics as goods, according to the income elasticities obtained. By knowing the price, cross and income elasticities of housing characteristics we can make policy recommendations about the type of housing units which are the most desirable to be subsidized.
Dirk Meyer, Helmut-Schmidt-Universität, Hamburg, stellt ein Konzept nationaler Parallelwährungen für die Eurozone vor. Dadurch könnte im Falle einer Staatsinsolvenz ein Austritt aus der Währungsunion bei gleichzeitiger Nutzung des Euro als Zahlungsmittel erfolgen. Die Einführung nationaler Parallelwährungen gestattet den jeweiligen Staaten, ihre Probleme durch Wechselkursanpassungen und Zugriff auf eine eigenständige Geldpolitik zu lösen.
This study aims to identify and analyze the influence of the party's identity, persona values, and demographic characteristics on voting behavior in Kerinci. The population was Kerinci community numbering 250 people. This study used accidental sampling technique. Data analysis using SPSS version 17 software assistance. The results of this study were 1) Identity of party influence on voting behavior in Kerinci district identity meaning the party for voting behavior in Kerinci district is able to influence the attitude of the people in making decisions in choosing a political party. 2) Value Prominent significant effect on voter behavior in Kerinci district means the value of the figure of a person greatly influenced the relationship between attitudes and behavior, and is also the basis to conform to social values prevailing in society as a voter. 3) Aspects of Demographic Characteristics (age, education level, income level and gender) was also significantly influence voting behavior in Kerinci. This means that there are differences in the demographic karakeristik Kerinci affect voting behavior. Keywords: Party Identity, Value Prominent, Aspect Demographics Characteristics,BehaviorVoters
AbstractOver the last 15 years, researchers have been increasingly interested in understanding the nature and development of children's selective trust. Three meta‐analyses were conducted on a total of 51 unique studies (88 experiments) to provide a quantitative overview of 3‐ to 6‐year‐old children's selective trust in an informant based on the informant's epistemic or social characteristics, and to examine the relation between age and children's selective trust decisions. The first and second meta‐analyses found that children displayed medium‐to‐large pooled effects in favor of trusting the informant who was knowledgeable or the informant with positive social characteristics. Moderator analyses revealed that 4‐year‐olds were more likely to endorse knowledgeable informants than 3‐year‐olds. The third meta‐analysis examined cases where two informants simultaneously differed in their epistemic and social characteristics. The results revealed that 3‐year‐old children did not selectively endorse informants who were more knowledgeable but had negative social characteristics over informants who were less knowledgeable but had positive social characteristics. However, 4‐ to 6‐year‐olds consistently prioritized epistemic cues over social characteristics when deciding who to trust. Together, these meta‐analyses suggest that epistemic and social characteristics are both valuable to children when they evaluate the reliability of informants. Moreover, with age, children place greater value on epistemic characteristics when deciding whether to endorse an informant's testimony. Implications for the development of epistemic trust and the design of studies of children's selective trust are discussed.
Abstract In this article we set out to improve our knowledge on voting for extreme right–wing parties, i.e. the Republikaner, by taking into account social, political and contextual characteristics. We test four theories that provide explanations as to why certain social categories are more likely to vote for the Republikaner. The hypotheses are tested with multilevel analyses, with data from a national sample (N = 4688). Multinomial analyses provide additional information on how theoretically derived political attitudes effect voting behaviour.
THE UN HAS MADE LITTLE PROGRESS IN ARMS CONTROL PRIMARILY BECAUSE PROGRESS IN ARMS CONTROL IS DETERMINED BY NATIONAL RATHER THAN INTERNATIONAL INTERESTS. NATIONAL POLICIES ARE A FUNCTION OF THE INTERACTION OF SECTORS OF GOVERNMENT, AND THAT COUNTRY'S REACTIONS TO THE WORLD ENVIRONMENT. THE UN MECHANISMS COULD WORK IF DOMESTIC MECHANISMS FOR HARMONIZING ARMS CONTROL STRATEGIES AND NATIONAL SECURITY POLICIES COULD BE DEVELOPED. THE UN CAN STILL PERFORM THE IMPORTANT FUNCTION OF CODIFYING THE PRINCIPLES OF THE LAW OF ARMS CONTROL ALREADY ACCEPTED INTERNATIONALLY.