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Cover -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title -- Dedication -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Tables and Figures -- Acknowledgments -- 1 Introduction: The Political Crisis of Economic Adjustment -- 2 Comparing the Political Strength of Nations -- 3 Institutional Credibility and the Political Costs of Market Transactions -- 4 Political Regime and Economic Adjustment: Can the Democracies Do It Better? -- 5 After Primary Import Substitution: Political Capacity and the Choice of Follow-on Industrialization Strategies -- 6 Economic Orthodoxy and Political Power -- 7 Conclusions -- References -- Index.

In this paper, I conduct an historical structural analysis to explain the preservation of political cultures across the Canadian Prairie Provinces. Taking into account Alberta's historically conservative climate and bootstrap individualism, Saskatchewan's historically left-leaning policy environment, and Manitoba's moderate culture between its two prairie compatriots, I explain how these different cultures have persisted using a "polity-centred" approach. Perhaps the most popular explanation for such a "prairie paradox" is "fragment theory", or looking at different "waves" of settlers including Loyalists, Americans, and early Ontarians, across the prairies. Scholars like Alan Cairns and Jared Wesley have critiqued this approach, arguing that it is the structure of federalism itself that preserves these cultures over time, or that it is the agency of political parties and their campaign literature that reflects political culture back at their populations. A "polity-centred" approach, as I present it here, synthesizes these two critiques of fragment theory to look at how structures both affect political agents and provide tools to affect political culture in their provinces. This is done through, first, a more general examination of how the Canadian federal structure influences political parties, and second, how political parties use structure to affect discourse in a province and preserve or change the political culture. I conclude that polity-centred approaches should be taken more seriously by sociologists and political scientists when looking at political cultures, and that this approach is useful for examining the cultures of other states and substates.

Values are central to public debates today. Human values convey broad goals that serve as guiding principles in a person's life and value priorities differ across people in society. Groups in society holding opposing values (e.g., universalism versus security) will make different choices when voting in an election. Whereas over time, values are relatively stable, the number and type of political parties as well as the political values they communicate and disseminate have been changing. Groups of people holding the same human values may therefore vote for another (new) party in a later election. We focus on analyzing the relationship between human values and voting in elections, introducing a new methodology to analyze how value profiles relate to political support over time. We investigate the Dutch multi-party political system over five waves of the European Social Survey, spanning 2002 until 2010. Whilst previous research has focused on individual values separately and focused on voters only, we (1) distinguish groups holding a similar set of opposing and compatible values (value profile) instead of focusing on single values in the the entire population; (2) incorporate a correction for differences in scale use in our model; (3) compare voting over time; (4) include non-voters, a growing group in Dutch society. We find evidence that specific value profiles are related to voting for a specific set of political parties. We also find that specific value profiles distinguish non-voters from voters and that voters for populist parties resemble non-voters.

The aim of the research is to analyze the most important ideologies of Lithuanian family since the beginning of the XIXth century to the 80s of the XXth century. Ideology is understood here as a value system that has crucial impact on family and interpersonal relations, and is internalized by the family. Accordingly, three family value systems are under the research scrutiny. The first one was related to the XIXth century traditional Lithuanian family. The second one evolved as a consequence of Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century. Finally, the third family ideology was based on the Soviet family policy during the period 1944–1970. Family life in the XIXth century Lithuanian community was based on the Lithuanian common law, the teachings of Catholic Church and patriarchalism as a way of living. These norms influenced interpersonal realtionships in the traditional Lithuanian community and legitimized the only possible way of living, that of marriage with a partner from the same social group and a sedentary life of a farmer. On the other hand Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century led to new ideas of family life and interpersonal relationships. Hovewer, even though Lithuanian nationalists desired to promote a nationally "pure" family, they did not treat it as an exclusively reproductive institution. Lithuanian ideology emphesized interpersonal relationships within the family instead of reproduction. Lithuanian nationalists believed that the idea of a strong national family would succeed only if wife and husband treated each other as equal partners and comrades in arms. The Soviet family policy during 1944-1970 inculcated the idea of a family as a small open collective instead of a private sphere. Soviet family structure did not necessarily consist of two parents and their children. Single mother and her children were considered to be a full legitimate family. Likewise in terms of nationality Lithuanian family was not expected to concist of two Lithuanians. The main purpose of the Soviet family was reproduction and successful internalization of the Soviet values through the family.

The aim of the research is to analyze the most important ideologies of Lithuanian family since the beginning of the XIXth century to the 80s of the XXth century. Ideology is understood here as a value system that has crucial impact on family and interpersonal relations, and is internalized by the family. Accordingly, three family value systems are under the research scrutiny. The first one was related to the XIXth century traditional Lithuanian family. The second one evolved as a consequence of Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century. Finally, the third family ideology was based on the Soviet family policy during the period 1944–1970. Family life in the XIXth century Lithuanian community was based on the Lithuanian common law, the teachings of Catholic Church and patriarchalism as a way of living. These norms influenced interpersonal realtionships in the traditional Lithuanian community and legitimized the only possible way of living, that of marriage with a partner from the same social group and a sedentary life of a farmer. On the other hand Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century led to new ideas of family life and interpersonal relationships. Hovewer, even though Lithuanian nationalists desired to promote a nationally "pure" family, they did not treat it as an exclusively reproductive institution. Lithuanian ideology emphesized interpersonal relationships within the family instead of reproduction. Lithuanian nationalists believed that the idea of a strong national family would succeed only if wife and husband treated each other as equal partners and comrades in arms. The Soviet family policy during 1944-1970 inculcated the idea of a family as a small open collective instead of a private sphere. Soviet family structure did not necessarily consist of two parents and their children. Single mother and her children were considered to be a full legitimate family. Likewise in terms of nationality Lithuanian family was not expected to concist of two Lithuanians. The main purpose of the Soviet family was reproduction and successful internalization of the Soviet values through the family.

The aim of the research is to analyze the most important ideologies of Lithuanian family since the beginning of the XIXth century to the 80s of the XXth century. Ideology is understood here as a value system that has crucial impact on family and interpersonal relations, and is internalized by the family. Accordingly, three family value systems are under the research scrutiny. The first one was related to the XIXth century traditional Lithuanian family. The second one evolved as a consequence of Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century. Finally, the third family ideology was based on the Soviet family policy during the period 1944–1970. Family life in the XIXth century Lithuanian community was based on the Lithuanian common law, the teachings of Catholic Church and patriarchalism as a way of living. These norms influenced interpersonal realtionships in the traditional Lithuanian community and legitimized the only possible way of living, that of marriage with a partner from the same social group and a sedentary life of a farmer. On the other hand Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century led to new ideas of family life and interpersonal relationships. Hovewer, even though Lithuanian nationalists desired to promote a nationally "pure" family, they did not treat it as an exclusively reproductive institution. Lithuanian ideology emphesized interpersonal relationships within the family instead of reproduction. Lithuanian nationalists believed that the idea of a strong national family would succeed only if wife and husband treated each other as equal partners and comrades in arms. The Soviet family policy during 1944-1970 inculcated the idea of a family as a small open collective instead of a private sphere. Soviet family structure did not necessarily consist of two parents and their children. Single mother and her children were considered to be a full legitimate family. Likewise in terms of nationality Lithuanian family was not expected to concist of two Lithuanians. The main purpose of the Soviet family was reproduction and successful internalization of the Soviet values through the family.

The aim of the research is to analyze the most important ideologies of Lithuanian family since the beginning of the XIXth century to the 80s of the XXth century. Ideology is understood here as a value system that has crucial impact on family and interpersonal relations, and is internalized by the family. Accordingly, three family value systems are under the research scrutiny. The first one was related to the XIXth century traditional Lithuanian family. The second one evolved as a consequence of Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century. Finally, the third family ideology was based on the Soviet family policy during the period 1944–1970. Family life in the XIXth century Lithuanian community was based on the Lithuanian common law, the teachings of Catholic Church and patriarchalism as a way of living. These norms influenced interpersonal realtionships in the traditional Lithuanian community and legitimized the only possible way of living, that of marriage with a partner from the same social group and a sedentary life of a farmer. On the other hand Lithuanian nationalism at the turn of the XXth century led to new ideas of family life and interpersonal relationships. Hovewer, even though Lithuanian nationalists desired to promote a nationally "pure" family, they did not treat it as an exclusively reproductive institution. Lithuanian ideology emphesized interpersonal relationships within the family instead of reproduction. Lithuanian nationalists believed that the idea of a strong national family would succeed only if wife and husband treated each other as equal partners and comrades in arms. The Soviet family policy during 1944-1970 inculcated the idea of a family as a small open collective instead of a private sphere. Soviet family structure did not necessarily consist of two parents and their children. Single mother and her children were considered to be a full legitimate family. Likewise in terms of nationality Lithuanian family was not expected to concist of two Lithuanians. The main purpose of the Soviet family was reproduction and successful internalization of the Soviet values through the family.

Darbs "Politiskās sisitēmas vājums un fragmentācija Latvijā" analizē tādus sistēmas elementus kā lēmējvara, izpildvara, tiesu vara, pilsoniskā sabiedrība, politiskās partijas, to savstarpējās attiecības un izraisītās negatīvās sekas. Darbs apskata, kā publiskajam sektoram vajadzētu strādāt – birokrātijai, politiskajai izpildvarai, publiskā sektora plānošanai, salīdzinot to ar realitāti. Darba mērķis ir atrast Latvijas politiskās un administratīvās sistēmas trūkumus, atklāt to cēloņus un piedāvāt priekšlikumus sistēmas uzlabošanai. Autors darbā izvirza sekojošas hipotēzes: Vāji attīstītas politiskās partijas veicina politisko fragmentāciju nacionālā un reģionālā līmenī; neizglītota un neaktīva pilsoniskā sabiedrība katalizē politisko nestabilitāti; Latvijā ir nesekmīga attīstības plānošana, kas veicina fragmentāciju. Latvijā pastāv politiskā līmeņa fragmentācija, kas izpaužas kā nacionālā līmeņa politisko spēku nošķirtība no reģionālajiem politiskajiem spēkiem. Darba gaitā autors nonāk pie secinājumiem, ka, lai stiprinātu politisko sistēmu un novērstu tās fragmentāciju, nepieciešams veikt kompleksus pasākumus stiprinot un attīstot pilsonisko sabiedrību, politiskās partijas, sabiedrības izglītošanā, kā arī jāveicina publiskā sektora kompetence un motivācija strādāt, jāapkaro korupcija. ; "Fragmentation and weakness of political system in Latvia" is analyzing political system elements, such as authority, executive power, civic society, political parties, there inner relations and caused negative effects. Work also analyzes how public sector should work - bureaucracy, executive politicians, public sector management and planning, comparing to reality. The goal of the Master's thesis is to find the disadvantages of political system of Latvia, and give solutions to discovered problems. The hipoteses of master's thesis are: Weak political parties is the cause of political fragmentation in national and regional level. (Proven); Inactive and unknowing civic society is causing unstable political environment (Proven); Public sector planning is low developed and causes fragmentation (Proven); Latvia has fragmentation of political system- regional political parties are divided from parliamentary parties. (not proven) Author during studies has come to conclusions: In purpose to avoid fragmentation of political system and strengthen it, must be done complexed efforts in: Supporting development of civil society, political parties, education of society, rising the competence and motivation of public sector workers and fighting corruption.

Connections between business and political entities ("political connections") have received unprecedented research attention in the last decades. Studies investigate the relationships between political connections and firms' behavior, strategy, as well as various performance outcomes. Meanwhile, scholars have adopted diverse perspectives to explain the role of political connections in these relationships. Nevertheless, reviews designed to synthesize political connections studies has not kept pace with the explosive growth of this scholarship. In addition, there are still research gaps to be addressed within the scholarship. In particular, as political connections can generate both positive and negative impact on the firm, further research is needed to explain the reason behind and reconcile existing mixed findings. Furthermore, prior studies have predominantly focused on understanding the impact of political connections while leaving the antecedents of such connections underexplored. This thesis takes up these challenges by synthesizing prior political connections studies and addressing the research gaps above. This thesis consists of three studies. First, it combines bibliographic techniques and qualitative review techniques to conduct a comprehensive review of the political connections studies published during the last three decades (in Chapter 2). Next, based on the findings of Chapter 2 and guidance for future research provided therein, it includes two empirical studies to investigate how connections may paradoxically influence firms' resource acquisition and utilization for innovation performance (in Chapter 3) and to examine how the emphasis the firm places on financial vs. nonfinancial goals acts as an antecedent of formation of different types of political connections (in Chapter 4). In sum, this thesis offers a more complete and fine-grained understanding of political connections and provides research guidance for future development of the scholarship of political connections.