Suchergebnisse

Research on tax behaviour or attitudes towards tax evasion has rarely taken into account the political preferences of taxpayers. The present research aimed to explore the relationship between political ideology and attitudes toward tax compliance within the "slippery slope framework" (Kirchler, Hoelzl, & Wahl, 2008). We conducted a quantitative survey (N = 272) and two online focus groups with self-employed taxpayers in Italy, and found significant differences between left-leaning and right-leaning taxpayers. These two groups were characterized by two different pathways that lead to greater tax compliance, and attached different meanings and values to tax behaviours. In particular, left-leaning taxpayers expressed higher levels of voluntary cooperation and showed reactance to the coercive power of authorities, whereas right-leaning taxpayers expressed higher levels of enforced tax compliance and were more averse to tax evasion with increased trust in authorities and institutions. Although further research on this topic is advisable, these results bear relevant theoretical and practical implications. ; peerReviewed ; publishedVersion

This book offers insights into the issues around food security, public health, equity and global governance. With a focus on India, it highlights the complex networks of sociopolitical, economic and agricultural challenges to ensure self-sufficiency in food production. Based on field research conducted across India and an in-depth study on government agencies and multilateral fora, this book connects and juxtaposes global, national and local narratives on food security and policy. It analyses issues ranging from climate change to gaps in the nation-wide public food distribution systems. Through interdisciplinary narratives on food insecurity and poverty, the book exposes the underlying problems within policy frameworks and offers solutions for greater accessibility and distribution of food supplies while combating climate variability and agrarian distress. The volume explores global food governance norms and India's role in further shaping them. It will be of interest to students and researchers of public policy and governance, development studies, sociology, agriculture studies, public health and nutrition and economics.

Do we need a more social UE – or even a fully-fledged European Social Union (ESU)? An increasing number of empirically oriented social scientists argue that we do. This paper how ESU could be pieced together by r-assembling what is already in place, exploiting in particular the potential of the European Pillar of Social Rights. The paper also discusses the rationales behind the ESU proposal. There is, first, a twofold functional rationale: the EU institutional asymmetry between market making and market corrective goals and policies generates perverse effects; EMU needs a number of social corollaries to effectively perform its mission and functions. But there is a second and equally important rationale, based on political factors. A tenet of political theory is that any territorially organized collectivity cannot survive and prosper without the diffuse support of its members. The latter rests however not only on effectiveness, but also on fairness. Citizens must feel that the territorial government abides by the general norm of somehow representing the collective interest, taking care of all sectors/strata of the population, however weak and peripheral. In order to be politically effective, Social Europe cannot however limit itself to enhancing its institutional strength and policy production. It must become more visible to ordinary citizens and provide them with direct tangible benefits.

Do we need a more social UE – or even a fully-fledged European Social Union (ESU)? An increasing number of empirically oriented social scientists argue that we do. This paper how ESU could be pieced together by r-assembling what is already in place, exploiting in particular the potential of the European Pillar of Social Rights. The paper also discusses the rationales behind the ESU proposal. There is, first, a twofold functional rationale: the EU institutional asymmetry between market making and market corrective goals and policies generates perverse effects; EMU needs a number of social corollaries to effectively perform its mission and functions. But there is a second and equally important rationale, based on political factors. A tenet of political theory is that any territorially organized collectivity cannot survive and prosper without the diffuse support of its members. The latter rests however not only on effectiveness, but also on fairness. Citizens must feel that the territorial government abides by the general norm of somehow representing the collective interest, taking care of all sectors/strata of the population, however weak and peripheral. In order to be politically effective, Social Europe cannot however limit itself to enhancing its institutional strength and policy production. It must become more visible to ordinary citizens and provide them with direct tangible benefits.

This book draws upon original research into women's workplace protest to deliver a new account of working-class women's political identity and participation in post-war England. Focusing on the voices and experiences of women who fought for equal pay, skill recognition and the right to work between 1968 and 1985, it explores why working-class women engaged in such action when they did, and it analyses the impact of workplace protest on women's political identity. A combination of oral history and written sources are used to illuminate how everyday experiences of gender and class antagonism shaped working-class women's political identity and participation. The book contributes a fresh understanding of the relationship between feminism, workplace activism and trade unionism during the years 1968-1985

Examining the following selected Renaissance dramas: Marlowe's The Jew of Malta (1585), Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice (1596), Massinger's The Renegado (1624), Daborne's A Christian Turn'd Turk (1612), and Goffe's The Raging Turk (1656), this research investigates Renaissance dramatists' portrayal of biased Christian standpoints that govern the relation with the non-Christian to uncover whether that dramatization represents the playwrights' participation in validating those attitudes or their critique of politicizing the Christian faith, in both ways underscoring the existence of an ideological 'political faith' issue. It turns out that the period's plays may reveal that such stereotypes are only recruited to further and validate financial gain, political dominance and racial discrimination; that is, political Christianity. However, the playwrights' attitudes remain subject to their unrevealed intentions, and it is, therefore, left to the reader/audience to take sides. Tactically, the dramatists emerge ahead of the Christian and secular politicians of their time as they assume the safe side of impartiality.

Examining the following selected Renaissance dramas: Marlowe's The Jew of Malta (1585), Shakespeare's The Merchant of Venice (1596), Massinger's The Renegado (1624), Daborne's A Christian Turn'd Turk (1612), and Goffe's The Raging Turk (1656), this research investigates Renaissance dramatists' portrayal of biased Christian standpoints that govern the relation with the non-Christian to uncover whether that dramatization represents the playwrights' participation in validating those attitudes or their critique of politicizing the Christian faith, in both ways underscoring the existence of an ideological 'political faith' issue. It turns out that the period's plays may reveal that such stereotypes are only recruited to further and validate financial gain, political dominance and racial discrimination; that is, political Christianity. However, the playwrights' attitudes remain subject to their unrevealed intentions, and it is, therefore, left to the reader/audience to take sides. Tactically, the dramatists emerge ahead of the Christian and secular politicians of their time as they assume the safe side of impartiality.

Analyzes the parliamentary elections of 1992 and 1994; some focus on Right vs. Left.

Problem setting. Although modern humanity has proclaimed the universality of human dignity and desperately upholds this value, which is fully in harmony with freedom, equality and fraternity, the truth is that in reality it has not yet been able to go beyond the status of a citizen of the nation state in its legal and political conventions. . In this sense, a very important issue is the representation of the real situation around the categories of "universal citizenship", "human rights" and "globalization" in the midst of the geopolitical conflict in Latin America caused by the persecution of 21st century socialism.
Paper objective. This critical essay aims to discuss the real significance of such political and legal categories as "universal citizenship", "human rights" and "globalization" in the midst of the geopolitical conflict that led to the persecution of 21st century socialism in Latin America.
Methodology. The methodological field of the research uses documentary observation and dialectical hermeneutics, which help to compare and reconcile categories with different semantic contexts to reconstruct their true meaning. The technique of writing this research was the methodological procedure of the hermeneutic circle, which is a sequential analysis of numerous written documentary sources, combined in a kind of dialogic context with hidden messages that can be read between the lines, as well as interpretive theories and critical thinking.
Paper main body. There is much in common between the contemporary political and philosophical programs of the Western cultural space, of which Latin Americans are a part, and the ideas of universal citizenship, globalization, and human rights in a spirit of deep militant universalism that function fully today not only as abstract theories at the disposal of peoples and nations who continue to work to improve their living conditions and strengthen their freedom to exist and act in a better world.
As for the tradition of human rights as a modern expression of natural law, it dates back to ancient times and even dates back to the great religions, which in their own way developed and substantiated the idea of human dignity. The history of the Institute of Human Rights has a pronounced anthropocentric character and deserves to be expanded in accordance with the geopolitical realities of the modern world, in order to protect the indisputable value of all life forms affected by such phenomena as global warming and the associated greenhouse effect. economic growth that requires technological and industrial modernization. For its part, "globalization with a human face" means the ability to interconnect and enrich not only material and financial resources, due to the insatiability of international markets, but also the cycle of knowledge and people required by modern world democracies to strengthen their social and human capital. .
In this context, the idea of global or universal citizenship, while seeming utopian, is of paramount importance as it broadens the political phenomenon of citizenship, which is vital to modern democracies or polyarchies, forgetting the tradition of history ruled by supreme forces and structures. Although, according to K. Popper, already the historicist concept assigned a fundamental role in building a reality conducive to the exercise of freedom, the citizen, conscious and active.
Thus, if globalization is reduced purely to the internationalization of capital and selective human and technological resources solely in the interests of corporate elites and does not turn into a globalization of social welfare and dignity - a process in which universal citizenship would be a logical consequence, then partial globalization, which can do little to promote an open society in the 21st century.
Conclusions of the research. The study concludes that if globalization is reduced to the internationalization of capital and individual human and technological resources for the benefit of the corporate elite and does not extend to the globalization of social welfare and dignity, where universal citizenship would be a logical consequence, such globalization is unlikely to contribute building an open society of the XXI century.

Stephanie Hinnershitz reveals the unsung legacy of civil rights activism among foreign and American-born Chinese, Japanese, and Filipino students, who formed crucial alliances based on their shared religious affiliations and experiences of discrimination. Using archival sources that bring forth these students' authentic, passionate voices, Race, Religion, and Civil Rights is a testament to the powerful ways they shaped the social, political, and cultural direction of civil rights movements throughout the West Coast, from Californian college campuses to Alaskan canneries

Growing evidence suggests that the general personality structure predisposes the political or ideological orientation. Here, we first replicated findings of associations between Big Five factors openness, agreeableness and conscientiousness, and self-reported political orientation in a large German sample. However, the new aspect of our study is the addition of Wahl-O-Mat (WoM; a prominent voting advice application) as a measure of concrete policy-positions. Here, a score of accordance between a participant's and the several German parties' stances on current and relevant policy-issues is computed. Given that political science identifies trends towards a dealignment of voters with political parties and a decreasing significance of socio-structural factors, an issue-based approach to vote choice may become critical in the future. Therefore, we investigated whether personality's influence on political orientation also extends to stances about specific issues and, thus, is not restricted to self-placements. As expected, WoM-scores also showed meaningful correlations with personality traits: accordance with right-of-center-parties is negatively related to openness and agreeableness and positively related to conscientiousness. Finally, we recruited smaller samples in the United States, Denmark, Sweden, Turkey, Spain, Australia, and Bulgaria and showed that the associations mentioned above are cross-nationally replicable. We conclude that personality influences not only self-perceived political identity but also attitudes towards current issues of political controversy. In both cases, the effects of personality were mediated by Right-Wing-Authoritarianism and Social Dominance Orientation.

Purpose of the study. In this article, the author considers the right to raise a child in a family in the system of his non-property rights, identifies current trends in the development of legislation, the provisions of which are aimed at its implementation, systematizes the advantages and disadvantages of the current norms devoted to the protection of this right, and identifies the problems of its implementation in practice. The author proves that family upbringing allows the child to realize and satisfy his basic needs, since their realization depends on his parents, who are obliged to properly fulfill their duties towards the child.

As Law teachers at Portucalense University, it has been our objective to research the position of our students with regard to human rights and, in particular, on criminal penalties, their forms of execution and security. We previously conducted a first survey addressed to undergraduate students and, for this work, we conducted an identical survey on Brazilian students who attended the teaching part of the master's degree in Legal and Political Sciences specialization, at our University. These students were presently in Portugal. We intend to understand their position on the theme based on their reality experienced in Brazil. The surveys were answered in the classroom, anonymously and freely. The students already have professional experience in the area of legal sciences, varying their ages between 30/40 years. The results of this empirical study showed respondents' sensitivity in human rights matters. Prevention, as an end to sentences, was unanimous. Almost everyone said they felt insecure in their country and most of them had also been victims of crime in their country. The majority of students are in favour of the resocialization of the prisoner imposed by the State. However, in relation to the remaining questions, the answers were diversified. This diversity is explained by motivations of a security nature given the extension of the criminal phenomenon in Brazil.