Dottorato di ricerca in Società, istituzioni e sistemi politici europei (19.-20. secolo) ; Una tesi di storia urbana che ha per oggetto l'attività della Società generale immobiliare di lavori di utilità pubblica e agricola (comunemente nota come Società generale immobiliare o Immobiliare tout court) nella Roma del secondo dopoguerra, e che si concentra su un case study rappresentato dal quartiere delle Valli, sorto per sua iniziativa nella periferia settentrionale tra gli anni Cinquanta e Settanta. L'Immobiliare, operatore di primo piano a livello italiano ed internazionale, era tra i maggiori proprietari fondiari e in linea di massima il più importante promotore edilizio della città. Tanto dagli osservatori contemporanei quanto nelle ricostruzioni successive, essa è stata sovente considerata una delle massime espressioni, e spesso un vero e proprio simbolo, delle forze della speculazione fondiaria ed edilizia che hanno negativamente condizionato il processo di crescita della capitale. Nel primo capitolo si illustra dunque nei suoi termini generali l'espansione urbana di Roma nei tre decenni successivi alla fine del secondo conflitto mondiale, considerando le dinamiche demografiche, i flussi immigratori, le forme dello sviluppo, le caratteristiche della "città pubblica" e della "città privata", il governo dell'espansione e i problemi urbanistici e sociali ad essa legati, nonché le principali letture che di tali processi sono state date nel corso del tempo. Nel secondo si offre invece una rapida panoramica dell'attività e degli interventi edilizi dell'Immobiliare, in modo da poter valutare il ruolo da essa complessivamente svolto nel processo di crescita della città. Vengono ricostruite le idee guida, le strategie operative e le realizzazioni della società, presentando sia le iniziative effettivamente sviluppate (nuclei edilizi, comprensori e interi quartieri) che quelle rimaste sulla carta. I capitoli successivi sono infine dedicati al quartiere delle Valli. Oggetto di indagine sono il contesto territoriale in cui esso è sorto, la proprietà fondiaria e l'utilizzo dell'area fino alla sua acquisizione da parte dell'Immobiliare, le operazioni di lottizzazione ed edificazione realizzate da quest'ultima, le dinamiche demografiche e la composizione sociale, il sistema della mobilità e la dotazione di servizi e infrastrutture, i luoghi e le forme della socialità, l'identità di quartiere, le lotte dei cittadini e la vicenda del "pratone". Intento della ricerca è ricostruire come è nato e si è sviluppato il quartiere, definirne le caratteristiche intrinseche ed i rapporti con gli insediamenti circostanti e la città nel suo complesso, nonché analizzare come ci si è vissuto, per poter adeguatamente valutare gli esiti di questa iniziativa dell'Immobiliare sotto il profilo della tenuta urbanistica e della qualità della vita. Più in generale, il lavoro vuol essere un contributo utile ad approfondire la conoscenza della crescita e delle trasformazioni della capitale, con particolare riguardo a quella "città privata" le cui caratteristiche e dinamiche di sviluppo – al di là di trattazioni generali e anche di diffusi stereotipi - restano ancora ampiamente da indagare. L'arco cronologico considerato coincide sostanzialmente con il primo trentennio repubblicano, anche se vengono ampiamente esplorati il contesto precedente e gli sviluppi successivi delle varie vicende illustrate. Relativamente alle fonti, la tesi è frutto dell'intreccio di documentazione di vario genere e provenienza: dalla bibliografia ai dati statistici, dalla stampa alla cartografia, dalle diverse fonti archivistiche scritte a quelle audiovisive, iconografiche, materiali, orali e telematiche. Di primaria importanza per la ricerca è stato il fondo della Società generale immobiliare conservato presso l'Archivio centrale dello Stato, che riveste enorme interesse per la storia urbana contemporanea e numerosi altri settori di ricerca, ma è tuttora in corso di riordinamento e consultabile quindi solo in parte e con qualche difficoltà. ; This is an urban history thesis on the activity of the Società Generale Immobiliare in Rome in the period following the Second World War, which concentrates on the case study of the Quartiere delle Valli, a neighbourhood initially developed by the Company on the northern outskirts of Rome in the 1950-1960s. The Società Generale Immobiliare was an important property developer in Italy and abroad, and it was one of the principal land owners and the leading building company in Rome. It has been considered, both by contemporaries and afterwards by scholars, as a symbol of the forces of the land and building speculation, which negatively conditioned the urban growth of Rome. Therefore the first chapter of the thesis deals with the urban development of Rome in the three decades following the end of World War II, illustrating various aspects such as the demographic dynamics, the immigration flows, the public and private forms of development, the town planning and social problems and the administration of the expansion, and the different interpretations of these historical processes. The second chapter contains a survey of the activity and the numerous building initiatives of the Società Generale Immobiliare, in order to evaluate its role in the urban growth of Rome. Leading ideas, operating strategies and projects are illustrated, presenting both those initiatives which were carried out and those which were not. The other chapters are dedicated to the Quartiere delle Valli. They deal with the territorial context in which it developed, the property and the use of the area until its acquisition by the Società Generale Immobiliare, its parcelling out and building operations, the demographic dynamics and the social composition of the inhabitants, transport, public services and infrastructures, the public and communal spaces, neighbourhood identity, and the struggles of the citizens for the green area known as "pratone". The aim of the research is both to describe how the Quartiere delle Valli rose and developed, defining its own characteristics and its relations with the surrounding neighbourhoods and the whole city, and to analyse how people lived there, in order to evaluate the outcome of this initiative from the point of view of the town planning results and of the quality of life. In broader terms, the thesis wishes to contribute to a wider knowledge of the growth and transformations of Rome, especially with respect to that "private city", whose characteristics and dynamics of development – beyond general studies and widespread stereotypes - are still largely to be investigated. Strictly speaking, the chronological span of the research is the first three decades after the Second World War, but both the previous context and subsequent developments of the various matters under consideration are widely explored. The thesis is the result of the combination of various sources: bibliography, written and audiovisual archive sources, iconographical, material and oral sources, statistics, press, cartography and internet sites. The most important source has been the records of the Società Generale Immobiliare, conserved at the Archivio Centrale dello Stato (National Archives), which contain very interesting documentation regarding contemporary urban history and other research fields, but which are still being rearranged and consequently can be consulted only in part and with some difficulties.
A caballo entre el siglo V y el VI, en el occidente de Britania que las poblaciones nativas retenían frente al impulso invasor de los anglosajones, el clérigo Gildas exhortó a los poderes seculares y laicos de su tiempo a despertar de su letargo, unirse y trabajar por la perfección espiritual y militar que les habría de permitir sobreponerse a sus enemigos. En su alocución, Gildas invocó un enigmático augurio sobre el final de la presencia anglosajona en Britania, el cual, pese a su significación política, no parece haber dejado huella en autores posteriores, que no vuelven a aludir a la cuestión. Esto ha hecho pensar a algunos historiadores que el augurio no formaba parte del texto original de Gildas, sino que es una interpolación posterior. Por su parte, Beda el Venerable, trabajando dos siglos después y desde el flanco opuesto (el de los anglosajones ya convertidos al cristianismo), fue el primero en hacer uso intensivo de la obra de Gildas, pero tampoco hizo referencia explícita al pronóstico sobre el fin de los anglosajones. Sin embargo, el propósito de este trabajo es sugerir que Beda no solo conocía el augurio y era consciente de su significado e importancia, sino que, siendo un especialista en cronología y computística, se esforzó por insertarlo tácitamente en su visión de la historia post-romana de Britania, poniéndolo en paralelo con el proceso de cristianización de los anglosajones. ; The demise of Roman rule in Britain seems to have been followed by a quick collapse of large-scale political articulation and the outburst of a number of native politities, of which very little is known. Between the mid and late fifth century, the Anglo-Saxons took over the east of southern Britain, absorbing the native population into a new ethnic, religious and political identity. BY the early sixth-century, though, such and expansion had come to a halt, and the Celtic-speaking, Christian inhabitants of southwestern Britain remained beyond Anglo-Saxon control, although that did not make their political organization less fragmented. Sometime between the very late fifth century and the mid-sixth century, a British cleric named Gildas wrote down a text (De excidio Britanniae) in which he exhorted the religious and secular rulers of the British polities to take action. Gildas's argument was that, for all the peace and calm the present generation enjoyed, the troubles of the past were not gone for ever. The enemy was still there and hardship would return. The kings and priests who –like a new Israel– had given up to leisure and forgot about God's precepts were castigated by Gildas and prompted to return to put down their sinful ways and prepare to face the fights to come with God on their side.In order to reinforce this argument, Gildas inserted in his narration of the Saxon invasion of Britain a quick reference to an omen which predicted that the new settlers would inhabit the island for three hundred years, and for half of this period (i.e.: one hundred and fifty years) they would repeatedly devastate it. This is a most enigmatic passage which has raised all sorts of opinions among historians, from those who consider it mere fabrication or interpolation to those who judge it as a colourful, exotic touch, whether due to Gildas's imagination and scriptural learning or to his knowledge of a real tradition about a real omen of Saxon provenance. However, given the political relevance of a forecast about the ending of the Saxons in Britain, it is striking that it has left nearly no trace of its existence. Later texts which sometimes replicate Gildas's passage about the Saxon invasion, systematically wrote out the Saxon omen, which has provided grounds for the views that it was an interpolation which did not originally feature in De excidio. ; This paper suggests that the reason why Gildas's Saxon omen was ruled out by later authors was due to two reasons: a) that most preserved texts belong to a period after the three-hundred years deadline has passed, thus rendering the omen pointless; b) that the Venerable Bede, whose Historia ecclesiastica gentis anglorum strongly influenced all history written in Britain thereafter, also disregarded the men in his largely Gildas-based account of the Saxon invasion. However, Bede did write before the end of the three-hundred year period. A detailed analysis of he dealt with the chronology of fifth-century events, and the paramount authority he ascribed to Gildas in so doing, reveals that Bede was well aware of the omen, according to which the ending of Saxons rule should occur within the next generation. Bede tried to relate the first term of the omen to the arrival of the Roman missionaries that started the Christianization of the Anglo-Saxons. His metaphorical interpretation of the one hundred years of plundering as the Anglo-Saxons' heathen period was probably intended to provide some clue with which to reinterpret the meaning of the omen's second term. However, Bede's computations never allowed him to provide a tight chronological frame for the omen. He struggled to precise the chronology of the missionaries' arrival and the varied steps of the Christianization, but failed to date the arrival of the Saxons with precision. To overcome this limitation, Bede introduced in his reckoning a certain measure of uncertainty —expressed with the Latin word circiter— which is demonstrably related to his estimations of the either the adventus Saxonum or the missionaries arrival. Eventually, he opted for omitting all reference to the omen, although both the layout of his chronology and the passages in which he expressed his concern about the immediate future bear witness to his worries.The realization of Bede's awareness of the Saxon omen and the ways in which he dealt with it provides new insights about how he constructed the complex rhetoric and discourse of his all-influential narrative of early medieval British history, as well as a more hidden image of the real weight he attached to political and cultural traditions coming from the island's Celtic-speaking side which features in his texts as the very "axis of evil" in the process of the Christianization of the Anglo-Saxons. ; Trabajo iniciado con apoyo de una beca post-doctoral del Ministerio de Educación y Cultura en el University College London y terminado en el marco del proyecto del Plan Nacional de I+D (ref. HUM/01812/HIST) «Los fundamentos del espacio europeo: comunidad, territorio y sistema político en la Europa altomedieval», desarrollado en el Instituto de Historia-CSIC. ; Peer reviewed
The main hypotheses underlying this work are that current Chilean housing policy has contributed to processes of social and spatial exclusion, and that the already known phenomenon of "exclusion through housing" can also take place in Chile. Current Chilean housing policy is widely known for its success in providing affordable dwellings for most of the population, and therefore even promoted by international agencies such as the World Bank, as a system to be copied by other countries in the "south". Nevertheless, its quantitative approach has disregard its role in shaping social outcomes such as health problems, low education attainment, and delinquency, as well as other "intangibles" such as deprecate identity, low-self-esteem and lack of sense of belonging, among others. The principal assumption is that urban inequalities hamper social integration because prevent the equal access to urban opportunities for all citizens. In other words, part of the population is "excluded" from having equal access to economic, cultural or institutional privileges and benefits, goods and rights that are supposed to be recognised as "universal" in this society. This exclusion, on the other hand, is represented in the housing arena by the concept of "exclusion through housing". Yet, The main aim of this work is to explore the extent to which current Chilean housing policy affects urban spatial and social inequalities and, in particular, to find out whether the phenomenon of exclusion through housing is also taken place in the Chilean case. The main problems addressed by this study are the early physical and social decay of complete neighbourhoods, as well as the lack of policies aiming to upgrade these areas; with particular emphasis on neighbourhoods with three to four-storey estates that have been a result of the "Programa de Vivienda Básica" in the city of Santiago. To tackle these problems interpretative and analytical approaches are used. While the interpretative approach aims to understand which factors have determined the structure of the Chilean housing model, the analytical approach pursues to closely observe its impacts, results and its prospects of improvement. Therefore, besides of the revision of relevant literature and the development of a conceptual framework, this work confers special attention to both the interpretation of historical policies and the analysis of a concrete case study carried out in the city of Santiago, in three compounds of estates. The theoretical framework aims at developing parameters to interpret and analyse social and spatial exclusion in Chile, which can be applied methodologically through combined approaches. A first approach aims at reviewing the historical patterns of public interventions through housing policies in the city of Santiago, in order to interpret the shifts in paradigms, and the roots of social and spatial exclusion. A second approach is to analyse current housing policy and its implementation in the city of Santiago through the development and use of diverse indicators such access to infrastructure, distribution of poverty and physical aspects, among others. The third and final approach aims at closely observing and comparing three cases studies located in districts that should present different both differences and similarities. The analysis of these cases studies aims at evaluating both the factors that creates social and spatial exclusion as well as the possible main outcomes. As a result of this discussion and analysis the main conclusions are presented, as well as some interpretations and new insights. ; Resumen La principal hipótesis que subyace en este trabajo es que la actual política habitacional chilena ha contribuido a procesos de exclusión social y espacial y que el fenómeno ya conocido en Europa como "exclusión por medio de la vivienda" también puede encontrarse en países como Chile. La política de vivienda chilena vigente es mundialmente conocida por su éxito cuantitativo en la provisión masiva de viviendas baratas para la mayoría de la población, y por consiguiente incluso promovida por instituciones globales como el Banco Mundial como un modelo a ser copiado en otros países del "Sur". No obstante, el enfoque cuantitativo de dicha política ha ignorado su rol en la configuración también de impactos sociales negativos tales como problemas de salud, bajo rendimiento escolar y delincuencia tanto como otros intangibles como las identidades devaluadas, la baja autoestima y la falta de un sentido de pertenencia entre otros. El supuesto principal es que las inequidades urbanas amenazan la integración social porque impiden el acceso equitativo a las oportunidades urbanas para todos los ciudadanos. En otras palabras, parte de la población esta excluida de tener acceso a los privilegios y beneficios económicos, culturales e institucionales que se supone son reconocidos com,o universales en esa sociedad. Esa exclusión, por otra parte, se representa en la arena de la vivienda por el concepto de "exclusión por medio de la vivienda". Así, este trabajo busca explorar hasta que medida la política de vivienda chilena vigente afecta las inequidades espaciales y sociales y, en particular, verificar si el fenómeno de exclusión por medio de la vivienda está presente. Los principales problemas que abarca este estudio son la temprana decadencia de los barrios y conjuntos de vivienda social, así como la falta de políticas integrales que permitan mejorar esas áreas, en particular aquellos barrios de vivienda en media altura que han sido implementados a través del "Programa de Vivienda Básica" en la ciudad de Santiago. Para enfrentar esos problemas se usaron enfoques analíticos e interpretativos. Mientras el enfoque interpretativo busca entender que factores han determinado la estructura del modelo de vivienda chileno, el enfoque analítico persigue observar de cerca sus impactos, resultados y posibilidades de mejoramiento. Por ello, además de la revisión de literatura relevante y el desarrollo de un marco conceptual especifico, este trabajo pone especial atención en la interpretación de las políticas históricas y el análisis de tres casos de estudio concretos en la ciudad de Santiago. El marco conceptual apunta a desarrollar parámetros que permitan interpretar y analizar la exclusión espacial y social en Chile y que puedan ser aplicados metodológicamente a través de enfoques combinados. Un primer enfoque se orienta a la revisión de patrones históricos de la intervención pública en vivienda en la ciudad a fin de interpretar los principales hitos, los cambios de paradigma y los orígenes de la exclusión social y espacial. El segundo enfoque se centra en el análisis de la implementación de la política actual por medio de una serie de indicadores tales como la relación entre vivienda y la distribución de la pobreza, la infraestructura y el equipamiento en la ciudad. El tercer enfoque a combinar por su parte se focaliza en tres casos particulares que permitan una comparación a partir de sus diferencias y similitudes. Para terminar, este trabajo presenta algunas conclusiones finales así como algunas sugerencias y propuestas de interpretación
In: Population and development review, Band 30, Heft 1, S. 188-189
ISSN: 1728-4457
In his September 2002 report to the United Nations General Assembly, Secretary‐General Kofi Annan identified migration as a priority issue for the international community. Subsequent initiatives prompted by the UN resulted, in December 2003, in the formation of a Global Commission on International Migration. This independent body has three mandates: to bring international migration issues to the top of the global agenda, to analyze shortcomings in approaches to international migration and examine inter‐linkages with other issue‐areas, and to make practical recommendations for how to manage international migration more effectively. Remarks made by Kofi Annan at the launching of the Commission in Geneva were amplified in an address he gave to the European Parliament in Brussels on 29 January 2004 upon receiving the Andrei Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought. Simultaneously a brief article covering the themes in that address, signed by Kofi Annan, was released by the Secretary‐General's office for publication in leading newspapers throughout Europe. The full text of this article (http://www.un.org/News/ossg/sg/stories/sg‐29jan2004.htm) is reproduced below.The article presents a number of propositions about international migration, with special reference to Europe, that tend to be taken for granted in discussions of the subject in international forums. Perhaps because of the article's brevity, the propositions are stated in strikingly unqualified form. Europe needs migrants. Immigration will enrich and strengthen European countries; the alternative is accepting declining living standards and social division‐‐a meaner, weaker, older Europe. In the absence of migration, jobs would go unfilled and services undelivered. Immigration cannot be controlled: closing the door would not only harm Europe's long‐term economic and social prospects, it would drive more and more people to come in through the back door. Such propositions, far from being axiomatic, are of course highly controversial. A fuller examination of them is presumably part of the Global Commission's remit.One of the biggest tests for the enlarged European Union, in the years and decades to come, will be how it manages the challenge of immigration. If European societies rise to this challenge, immigration will enrich and strengthen them. If they fail to do so, the result may be declining living standards and social division. There can be no doubt that European societies need immigrants. Europeans are living longer and having fewer children. Without immigration, the population of the soon‐to‐be twenty‐five Member States of the EU will drop, from about 450 million now to under 400 million in 2050. The EU is not alone in this. Japan, the Russian Federation and South Korea, among others, face similar possible futures‐where jobs would go unfilled and services undelivered, as economies shrink and societies stagnate. Immigration alone will not solve these problems, but it is an essential part of any solution.We can be sure that people from other continents will go on wanting to come and live in Europe. In today's unequal world, vast numbers of Asians and Africans lack the opportunities for self improvement that most Europeans take for granted. It is not surprising that many of them see Europe as a land of opportunity, in which they long to begin a new life‐just as the potential of the new world once attracted tens of millions of impoverished but enterprising Europeans. All countries have the right to decide whether to admit voluntary migrants (as op‐posed to bona fide refugees, who have a right to protection under international law). But Europeans would be unwise to close their doors. That would not only harm their long‐term economic and social prospects. It would also drive more and more people to try and come in through the back door‐by asking for political asylum (thus overloading a system designed to protect refugees who have fled in fear of persecution), or by seeking the help of smugglers, often risking death or in‐jury in clandestine acts of desperation on boats, trucks, trains and planes. Illegal immigration is a real problem, and States need to cooperate in their efforts to stop it‐especially in cracking down on smugglers and traffickers whose organized crime networks exploit the vulnerable and subvert the rule of law. But combating illegal immigration should be part of a much broader strategy. Countries should provide real channels for legal immigration, and seek to harness its benefits, while safeguarding the basic human rights of migrants. Poor countries can also benefit from migration. Migrants sent at least $88 billion to developing countries in remittances during 2002‐54% more than the $57 billion those countries received in development aid.Migration is therefore an issue in which all countries have a stake‐and which demands greater international cooperation. The recently established Global Commission on International Migration, co‐chaired by distinguished public figures from Sweden and South Africa, can help to establish international norms and better policies to manage migration in the interest of all. I am confident that it will come up with good ideas, and I hope they will win support, from countries that "send" migrants as well as those that receive them. Managing migration is not only a matter of opening doors and joining hands internationally. It also requires each country to do more to integrate new arrivals. Immigrants must adjust to their new societies and societies need to adjust too. Only with an imaginative strategy for integrating immigrants can countries ensure that they enrich the host society more than they unsettle it. While each country will approach this is‐sue according to its own character and culture, no one should lose sight of the tremendous contribution that millions of immigrants have already made to modern European societies. Many have become leaders in government, science, academia, sports and the arts. Others are less famous but play an equally vital role. Without them, many health systems would be short‐staffed, many parents would not have the home help they need to pursue careers, and many jobs that provide services and generate revenue would go unfilled. Immigrants are part of the solution, not part of the problem. All who are committed to Europe's future, and to human dignity, should therefore take a stand against the tendency to make immigrants the scapegoats for social problems. The vast majority of immigrants are industrious, courageous, and determined. They don't want a free ride. They want a fair opportunity for themselves and their families. They are not criminals or terrorists. They are law‐abiding. They don't want to live apart. They want to integrate, while retaining their identity. In this twenty‐first century, migrants need Europe. But Europe also needs migrants. A closed Europe would be a meaner, poorer, weaker, older Europe. An open Europe will be a fairer, richer, stronger, younger Europe‐provided Europe manages immigration well.
In the context of the global environmental and developmental crisis, both environmental relations of modern societies as well as their relations to non-modern, 'traditional' groups are called into question. In this regard, the global environmental and developmental crisis not only threatens the well-being of present and future human populations, but also reflects a crisis of modernity. The demarcation of protected areas for the protection of 'nature' is an important approach to tackle global environmental problems. Frequently, the remaining 'natural' areas suitable for nature conservation are, at the same time, living spaces of non-modern peoples. The 'classical' modern concept of protected areas - based on ideas of an inherent antagonism between humans and nature - in many cases led to the eviction of these people from protected areas. The poor balance of this 'classical' approach to preserve nature in protected areas, resistance from affected local people, as well as a growing awareness for the rights of these people have induced a revision of this approach. In the international discourses a new utility-oriented approach has gained rather broad acceptance which is based on a conservation strategy that takes into account the interests and rights of local populations in resources and services of protected areas. In practice, however, the establishment and management of protected areas often is far away from the standards of this revised protected area concept. Furthermore, this utility-oriented conservation approach has not only provoked a counter-movement within the conservation community, but also has to confront a critical localist approach to nature conservation focusing on local resource control and self-determination. Against this background, the study is concerned with the conflicts and debates involving local communities of the Karen ethnic minority group living in the Thung Yai Naresuan Wildlife Sanctuary in Western Thailand which was established in 1974 and was declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO in 1991. People of the Karen ethnic minority group have been living in the area for at least 200 years. Until today, the Karen in Thung Yai predominantly grow hill rice for subsistence needs in a rotational swidden system under a communal resource management regime. Since the establishment of the sanctuary villages have been removed by state authorities at different times. Specifically with the declaration as a World Heritage Site, the remaining Karen villages became a political issue. The Royal Forest Department, the Military and politicians frequently request their resettlement, impose restrictions on their tradi-tional land use system, and are trying to induce them to resettle 'voluntarily' using violence and terror. At the same time, within the present discourse on 'people and forests' in Thailand, the Karen in Thung Yai are quoted for the position that human forest use and conservation of forests may well go hand in hand. The research focused on processes of local change within the Karen communities, as well as on the political conflicts regarding the villages in the sanctuary. Both aspects only become comprehensible within the broader context of national and international processes of modernisation and environmental discourse. The dynamic cultural identity of the Karen in Thung Yai, which is essentially related to their specific place of living, is crucial for their adaptability towards these external changes and challenges, but also for their resistance towards the threats regarding their existence in Thung Yai. However, this research not only explores the concrete local case of conflict within its encompassing national and international contexts of deforestation, nature conservation, indigenous rights, etc., but also intends to reflect this conflict and the research on it with regard to the self-conceptualisation of modern science and the culture of modernity. The findings of the study support claims to legalise the traditional settlement rights and land use areas of the Karen in the sanctuary, and suggests the appreciation of their traditional forest- and land use systems as well as their integration into the conception and management of the sanctuary. Concerning the problem of national integration, modernisation and cultural diversity, the study proposes a 'culture conservation approach' focusing on local rights to self-determination and resource use in the context of participative, democratic approaches to conflict resolution. With regard to the culture of modernity this approach implies questioning universalistic and hegemonic claims of 'modernity' as well as an increased attentiveness for environmental relations beyond the stereotypes of 'tradition' and 'modernity'. ; Die Fähigkeit des Menschen, seine Umwelt so zu verändern, dass er damit die eigenen Lebensbedingungen beeinträchtigt - bis hin zur Gefährdung der Existenzgrundlagen - ist seit den 1960er Jahren zunehmend deutlich und problematisch geworden. Als Ursachen dieser realen und potenziellen Gefährdungen gelten einerseits die technischen Möglichkeiten und die Entwicklungsdynamik moderner Industrie-Gesellschaften, andererseits das Bevölkerungswachstum und die Entwicklungsoptionen in den Ländern der sogenannten 3. Welt. Die globale Umweltkrise rückt somit in einen engen Zusammenhang mit einer globalen Entwicklungskrise, indem moderne Konzeptionen von 'Wachstum', 'Entwicklung' und 'Fortschritt' in Frage stehen, und zwar in den 'Entwicklungsländern' wie auch in den 'entwickelten' Gesellschaften selbst. Damit wird in der globalen Umwelt- und Entwicklungskrise sowohl das Naturverhältnis der Kultur der Moderne als auch deren Verhältnis zu nicht-modernen, 'traditionalen' Gesellschaften und Gruppierungen problematisch. Diese Problematisierung des Verhältnisses der Moderne gegenüber der 'Natur' und dem 'Traditionalen' - den beiden konstitutiven Anderen der Moderne - lässt sich auch als eine Krise der Moderne lesen. Der Rückgang der Tropenwälder und der damit verbundene Verlust an biologischer Vielfalt spielen sowohl in der wissenschaftlichen und politischen Diskussion als auch in der öffentlichen Wahrnehmung der globalen Umweltkrise eine wichtige Rolle. Ein dominierender Ansatz zur Lösung dieser problematischen Aspekte des modernen Naturverhältnisses ist seit dem Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts der Versuch, 'Natur' durch die Einrichtung von Natur-Schutzgebieten zu bewahren. Aus einer globalen Perspektive betrachtet decken sich diese schützenswerten Gebiete häufig mit Lebensräumen nicht-moderner sozialer Gruppierungen. Konflikte zwischen Interessen an der Einrichtung von Schutzgebieten und Interessen 'indigener' oder 'traditionaler' Bevölkerungsgruppen, die in diesen Gebieten leben oder deren Ressourcen nutzen, sind die Regel, und haben nicht selten zur Vertreibung von Menschen aus Naturschutzgebieten geführt. Die 'klassische' moderne Schutzgebietskonzeption geht primär von einem Antagonismus zwischen Naturschutz und menschlicher Natur-Nutzung aus. Im Kontext des Modernisierungs-Diskurses gefährden sowohl Bevölkerungswachstum und Armut 'traditionaler' Gruppen als auch die Modernisierung dieser Gruppen die natürlichen Ressourcen und die biologische Diversität ihres Lebensraumes. Deshalb zielen Naturschutzbemühungen in dieser Rahmung des Problems i.d.R. auf die Umsiedlung der in Schutzgebieten lebenden Menschen. Lediglich über die Identifizierung einfacher nicht-moderner Gesellschaftsformen mit 'Natur' und der Festschreibung dieses Status, wird deren Existenz in Schutzgebieten aus dieser Perspektive heraus tolerierbar, bzw. werden sie sogar selbst schutzwürdig. Die schlechte Bilanz dieser Schutzgebietsstrategie, der Widerstand betroffener Bevölkerungsgruppen sowie ein wachsendes Bewusstsein für die Rechte dieser Gruppen haben seit den 1980er Jahren zu einer Revision der 'klassischen' Schutzgebietskonzeption geführt. Im internationalen Schutzgebiets-Diskurs hat sich inzwischen ein utilitätsorientierter Ansatz durchgesetzt, der den problematischen Zusammenhang von Mensch und Natur in der Schutzgebietsproblematik primär im Rahmen von Schutz-durch-Nutzungs-Strategien konzipiert und die Interessen und Rechte lokaler Bevölkerungsgruppen in und um Schutzgebiete in Rechnung stellt. Die Praxis der Einrichtung und des Managements von Schutzgebieten ist häufig weit entfernt von den Maßstäben des revidierten Schutzgebietskonzepts und ist insbesondere in 3. Welt Ländern meist noch dem 'klassischen' Modell verhaftet. Darüber hinaus stößt dieser utilitäts-orientierte Managementansatz, der als Teil einer Strategie globalen Ressourcenmanagements konzipiert ist, im Kontext des Globalisierungs-Diskurses auf den Widerstand lokalistischer Gegenpositionen. Diese Positionen stellen Strategien lokaler Ressourcenkontrolle und kultureller Selbstbestimmung in den Mittelpunkt ihres alternativen Lösungsansatzes für die globale Umwelt- und Entwicklungskrise. Vor diesem Hintergrund untersucht die Arbeit die Auseinandersetzungen um die Gemeinschaften der ethnischen Minderheit der Karen im Wildschutzgebiet und Weltnaturerbe Thung Yai Naresuan im Westen Thailands. Hierbei zielt die Arbeit nicht nur auf die Analyse des konkreten lokalen Konfliktfalls im Zusammenhang der nationalen und globalen Kontexte, sondern auch auf die Reflektion dieser Auseinandersetzungen und meiner Beschäftigung mit ihnen mit Blick auf das eigene wissenschaftliche Selbstverständnis und den eigenen kulturellen Kontext, die Kultur der Moderne. Mit ihrer traditionellen Lebensweise, die eine nachhaltige und ressourcenschonende Nutzung ihres Lebensraumes ermöglicht, haben die Karen in Thung Yai erheblich zur Ausprägung der biologischen Vielfalt des Schutzgebietes und deren Erhaltung beigetragen. Hinsichtlich der Ressourcen und Ziele des Schutzgebietes stellen Bevölkerungsentwicklung und traditioneller zyklischer Brandrodungsfeldbau der Karen bis heute keine wesentlichen Probleme dar und werden dies im Kontext des traditionellen Systems vermutlich auch in Zukunft nicht sein. Erhebliche Einschränkungen der Nutzung von Bracheflächen durch das Royal Forest Department gefährden derzeit das traditionelle, subsistenzorientierte Land- und Waldnutzungssystem, was zunehmend zu Marktabhängigkeit und Cashcrop Anbau führt. Der Übergang von einer überwiegend subsistenz- zu einer stärker marktorientierten Wirtschaftsweise ist in verschiedenen Haushalten und Dörfern unterschiedlich weit fortgeschritten. Von staatlichen Behörden wird er teilweise propagiert und gefördert. Diese Veränderungen führen z.T. zu einer stärkeren Belastung und tendenziell zunehmenden Gefährdungen des Schutzgebietes und drohen so, die Legitimation der Siedlungen im Schutzgebiet in Frage zu stellen. Während eine Minderheit der Karen von diesen Veränderungen profitiert und sich mit den externen Interessen und Einflüssen zumindest arrangiert, empfindet die große Mehrheit der Karen diese Veränderungen und Einflüsse von 'außen' als eine Bedrohung ihrer traditionellen Lebensweise und Werte sowie ihres Lebensraumes, mit dem sie sich in hohem Maße identifizieren. Um sich mit diesen Veränderungen auseinander zu setzen und um eigene Interessen zu vertreten entstehen neue Institutionen und Organisationsformen.
Generar la cultura de la internacionalización de la educación superior en Colombia es un paso fundamental para insertarse al mundo del conocimiento y al mundo global del saber, que se espera contribuya a promover la identidad nacional, a mejorar la competitividad económica y tecnológica del país, a garantizar las competencias necesarias en el profesional de hoy, a explorar nuevos mercados que permitan el libre comercio de los servicios de educación superior, al mejoramiento de la calidad académica a través del logro de estándares internacionales para la enseñanza-aprendizaje y la investigación y para el desarrollo de los estudiantes, profesores, investigadores y administradores como individuos, no ya de una sociedad cerrada, sino como ciudadanos del mundo. La internacionalización del sistema de educación superior es un fenómeno reciente aunque las universidades han estado internacionalizadas desde el momento mismo en que fueron fundadas por los europeos algunos cientos de años atrás. Pero la internacionalización ha vivido un proceso interesante de analizar particularmente desde 1990 cuando el país vivió un proceso de apertura económica sin precedentes en su historia. Desafortunadamente en Colombia, este proceso ha sido insuficiente y desigual en su desarrollo, y ha contado con poca atención por parte del Estado lo que ha implicado que el sistema de la educación superior del país no se haya insertado plenamente en el contexto internacional ni que los actores del sistema hayan internalizado a cabalidad la naturaleza del proceso. Este será el principio de una permanente reflexión que siempre pretenderá conocer mejor las características del proceso y tener una mejor comprensión de los avances de esta nueva dimensión para la educación superior colombiana la que la Asociación Colombiana de Universidades ha identificado como escasa y carente de sentido propio. ; Instituto Tecnológico y de Estudios Superiores de Monterrey ; INTRODUCCIÓN 1 1. LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN: un reto para las universidades 1 a. Objetivos Generales 5 b. Objetivos Específicos 5 2. DISEÑO METODOLÓGICO 6 I. LOS DESAFÍOS DE LA EDUCACIÓN SUPERIOR SIN FRONTERA 11 1. LA GLOBALIZACIÓN: un nuevo paradigma 11 a. La educación superior en el mercado global 13 b. La democracia global y el impacto en la educación superior 15 c. El conocimiento sin fronteras 16 d. La construcción de la identidad nacional 17 2. LA REFORMULACIÓN DEL ROL DEL SECTOR EDUCATIVO 18 II. EL MARCO POLÍTICO EDUCATIVO DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACION 21 1. ANTECEDENTES HISTÓRICOS DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN DE LA EDUCACIÓN SUPERIOR 21 2. EL PAPEL DE LOS ORGANISMOS INTERNACIONALES 24 a. La UNESCO y la Internacionalización 28 1) Declaración de La Habana, 1996 29 2) Declaración Mundial sobre la Educación Superior, París, 1998 37 3. EL DESARROLLO DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN EN EUROPA 42 III. LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN DE LA EDUCACIÓN SUPERIOR COMO UN INSTRUMENTO PARA EL CAMBIO 47 1. RELEVANCIA Y SIGNIFICADO DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN 47 2. LA PRÁCTICA DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN A NIVEL INSTITUCIONAL 51 a. las actividades 52 b. el ethos 53 c. las competencias 53 d. el proceso 53 3. EL POR QUÉ DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN 52 a. Razones politicas 54 b. Razones económicas 57 c. Razones socio culturales 59 d. Razones académicas 59 4. ESTRATEGIAS PARA EL LOGRO DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN 59 a. Estrategias organizativas o administrativas 59 b. Estrategias programáticas o académicas 60 IV. LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN Y SU DINÁMICA EN COLOMBIA 63 1. HISTORIA DE LA EDUCACIÓN SUPERIOR COLOMBIANA 63 2. ANTECEDENTES DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACION DE LA EDUCACIÓN SUPERIOR COLOMBIANA 70 a. La polarización en la "guerra fría" 74 3. UNA 'NUEVA' INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN 79 4. EL MARCO LEGAL 81 a. La Constitución Nacional de 1991 82 b. La Ley 30 de Educación Superior de 1992 83 c. Planes de Desarrollo Nacional 86 5. INICIATIVAS GUBERNAMENTALES 91 a. Movilidad estudiantil 91 1) ICETEX 91 2) COLCIENCIAS 93 3) ICFES 95 6. INICIATIVAS PRIVADAS 97 a. COLFUTURO 97 7. PROGRAMAS BILATERALES 99 8. LAS REDES UNIVERSITARIAS 100 a. Red Colombiana de Cooperación Internacional para la Educación Superior, RCI 103 b. Redes Internacionales 107 V. LAS CARACTERÍSTICAS DE LA PRÁCTICA DE LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN EN COLOMBIA . 111 1. ANÁLISIS EMPÍRICO 111 2. METODOLOGÍA 112 3. ANALISIS DE LA ENCUESTA 118 a. Estrategias para la implementación de la internacionalización 118 1) Estrategias organizacionales 119 a) Gestión de la dimensión internacional 119 b) Liderazgo y compromiso institucional 121 c) Razones para la integración de la dimensión internacional 122 d) Políticas institucionales para la internacionalización 123 e) Políticas gubernamentales 124 f) Creación y conformación de las unidades administrativas 125 g) Capital humano 126 h) Perfil profesional de los responsables de las Oficinas de Relaciones Internacionales 126 i) Ubicación en el organigrama institucional 127 j) Infraestructura organizativa de soporte 128 k) Principales funciones 130 l) Financiamiento 131 m) Comité Asesor 132 n) Políticas de Incentivos 134 2) Estrategias Programáticas 136 a) Programas académicos 136 b) Idiomas extranjeros 138 c) Alianzas estratégicas 139 d) Convenios por países 141 e) Convenios por áreas del conocimiento 142 f) Movilidad académica 144 g) La investigación y la internacionalización 145 h) Evaluación y acreditación internacional 146 i) Actividades extracurriculares 147 j) Programas de egresados 148 k) Presencia internacional 149 l) Nuevas tecnologías 149 VI. ENFRENTANDO LOS RETOS 153 1. LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN DESDE EL ESTADO 157 2. LA INTERNACIONALIZACIÓN DESDE LAS INSTITUCIONES 165 BIBLIOGRAFÍA 173 ANEXO 180 ; Maestría ; Generating the culture of internationalization of higher education in Colombia is a fundamental step to enter the world of knowledge and the global world of knowledge, which is expected to contribute to promoting national identity, to improve the economic and technological competitiveness of the country, to guarantee the necessary competencies in today's professional, to explore new markets that allow free trade in higher education services, to improve academic quality through the achievement of international standards for teaching-learning and research and for the development of students, teachers, researchers and administrators as individuals, no longer in a closed society, but as citizens of the world. The internationalization of the higher education system is a recent phenomenon although universities have been internationalized from the very moment they were founded by Europeans a few hundred years ago. But internationalization has undergone an interesting process to analyze, particularly since 1990 when the country experienced a process of economic opening without precedent in its history. Unfortunately in Colombia, this process has been insufficient and uneven in its development, and has received little attention from the State, which has implied that the country's higher education system has not been fully inserted in the international context or that the system actors have fully internalized the nature of the process. This will be the beginning of a permanent reflection that will always seek to better understand the characteristics of the process and have a better understanding of the progress of this new dimension for Colombian higher education, which the Colombian Association of Universities has identified as scarce and lacking in its own meaning.
Having studied emergence of ethics discourses in the engineering profession, the development of ethics courses, shows that the humanities generally are carried by an ideal, either encyclopaedic, or social, both opposing to a strictly professional approach of the training. But rhetorics and educational projects are only indicators of the ethical concerns of the engineers. So, having clarified the limits of the field of engineering ethics, I set up an inquiry with graduated engineers, in order to study their professional ethics. It seemed that this one is determined by the professional identity of the engineers. The optimists seem less worried than the others of the negative impacts of techniques; Manager show themselves very sensitive to the importance of the human factor, the experts defend the neutrality of their work and reject the idea of a personal responsibility for the ultimate end of the techniques to which they take part. But the engineers' ethics also depends on political attitudes: those of right-hand side, more optimistic towards techniques, prefer a regulation by the profession itself, those of left-handler are more opened to a democratization of the decisions. But, finally the vision of the majority is technocratic and the position of the engineers, often at distance of the res publica, leaves them away from a major concern of the ethics of technology : technology assessment. Finally, the ethics of the engineers depends on religious attitudes. So, the Catholics are favorable to a codification of the ethics, but because they are too confident in the positive impact of the techniques in the service of the Human being, their desire of ethical guidelines meets little the question of the risk which is in the heart of the ethics of the technologies. ; Après une étude des discours sur l'éthique produits pas les associations d'ingénieurs aux Etats-Unis, au Québec et en Allemagne, j'ai tenté d'expliquer leur absence, jusqu'à récemment en France. Cherchant des éléments constitutifs de l'ethos des ingénieurs français, j'ai alors étudié l'histoire des contenus de formations, et en particulier des humanités, au sein desquels est apparue récemment l'éthique. J'ai montré que les contenus des " humanités " s'inscrivait dans les histoire des écoles : l'idéal encyclopédique s'opposant à celui de l'engagement social, les deux s'opposant à l'approche professionnelle de la formation des ingénieurs instrumentalisant les contenus dits " non techniques". Mais les rhétoriques éthique des associations d'ingénieurs et les projets de formation éthique pour les futurs ingénieurs ne disent rien de la représentation qu'ont les acteurs eux-mêmes des enjeux éthiques liés à leur profession. Afin d'étudier l'ethos des ingénieurs Ainsi, j'ai mis en place une enquête quantitative auprès d'ingénieurs diplômés, contacté par l'intermédiaire des associations d'anciens élèves des écoles de la région nord Pas-de-Calais. Après avoir élucidé l'étendue la plus large possible du champ couvert par " l'éthique du génie ", j'ai visé à travers l'analyse des représentations qu'ont les ingénieurs des relation entre les sciences, les techniques, la société et leur profession, de rendre compte de certains aspects de l'ethos de la profession. Cet ethos professionnel est d'abord apparu comme déterminé par l'identité professionnelle subjective des ingénieurs. Ceux qui ont une vision positive de leur profession et de son rôle dans la société sont moins inquiets que les autres des impacts négatifs du développement techniques. Ceux qui sont plus proches d'une identité de manager se montrent très sensibles à l'importance du " facteur humain " tandis que les " experts " défendent la neutralité de leur travail et rejette l'idée d'une responsabilité personnelle pour la finalité ultime des techniques auxquelles ils contribuent. Parce que la question de l'éthique des techniques est entrée en politique, les représentation des enjeux éthiques de la profession et des techniques dépendant aussi des attitudes politiques des ingénieurs. Les ingénieurs de droite sont plus optimistes à l'égard des techniques et sont favorables à une régulation par la profession elle-même, tandis que ceux de gauche se montrent plus ouvert à une démocratisation des décisions techniques. Mais, finalement, la grande majorité à une vision technocratique des décisions. Par ailleurs, leur position vis-à-vis de la politique un peu distante les laisse à l'écart d'une préoccupation majeure de l'éthique de la technologie : la maîtrise citoyenne des techniques. Parce que le catholicisme est engagé d'une façon particulière dans la formation morale des croyants, les représentations éthiques des enjeux éthiques de la profession dépendent aussi des attitudes religieuses des ingénieurs. Les ingénieurs catholiques se montrent plus favorables à une codification de l'éthique et à une morale de principe, en général. Porteur d'une vision de la technique au service de l'Homme, ils se montrent plus confiants dans les techniques que les autres ingénieurs. Ainsi leur désir de repères éthiques rencontre peu une des questions centrales de l'éthique des technologies : le risque. L'enquête montre aussi que les ingénieurs constituent un groupe très homogène du point de vue de ses valeurs professionnelles. Pour l'avenir, on pourrait penser que la féminisation apporte un regard nouveau et donc une modification, au fur et à mesure de leur percée dans le métier, de l'ethos collectif. Dans les faits, le partage du travail dans la profession entre les genres pourrait réduire de beaucoup l'impact de cette évolution. Tandis que les propos sur l'éthique émis au sein de la profession d'ingénieur dépendent fortement des contextes légaux et culturels dans lesquels ils sont produits, l'émergence de cours d'éthique dans les formations en France, au cours des dix dernières années, procède de deux dynamiques. Ils sont portés, selon le cas, par un idéal culturel ou par un idéal d'engagement social ; tous les deux s'opposent d'ailleurs à l'approche strictement professionnelle de la formation qui est, en définitive, la plus courante. Mais les rhétoriques éthique et les projets pédagogiques ne sont que des indicateurs des préoccupations éthiques des ingénieurs. Ainsi, après avoir élucidé les limites du champ de "l'éthique du génie", une enquête a été mise en place auprès d'ingénieurs diplômés, afin d'étudier leur éthique professionnelle. Il est apparu que les contours de cette éthique est déterminée par l'identité professionnelle subjective des ingénieurs. Les optimistes professionnels semblent, par exemple, moins inquiétés que les autres par les impacts négatifs du développement technique ; ceux qui se sentent plutôt manager se montrent très sensibles à l'importance du facteur humain, tandis que les experts défendent la neutralité de leur travail et rejette l'idée d'une responsabilité personnelle pour la finalité ultime des techniques auxquelles ils contribuent. Mais les positionnements éthiques des ingénieurs dépendent aussi de leurs attitudes politiques : ceux de droite, plus optimistes à l'égard des techniques, préfèrent que la régulation provienne de la profession, ceux de gauche, plus critiques, sont plus ouvert à une démocratisation des processus de décisions. Mais, finalement la vision majoritaire est technocratique et la position des ingénieurs, souvent à distance de la chose publique, les laisse à l'écart d'une préoccupation majeure de l'éthique de la technologie : la maîtrise citoyenne des techniques. Enfin, l'éthique des ingénieurs dépend des attitudes religieuses. Ainsi, les catholiques se montrent plus favorables à une codification de l'éthique et à une morale de principe. Mais parce qu'ils sont trop confiants dans les impact des techniques au service de l'Humain, leur désir de repères éthiques rencontre peu la question du risque qui est pourtant au cœur de l'éthique des technologies.
In late summer 1847, the United States signed a treaty that formed a new Indian reservation in northeast Kansas. The treaty was necessary because the Pottawatomie Indians living in Iowa were no longer wanted in that area; Iowa had recently become a state and white political leaders there wanted the Indians removed. The United States typically solved this type of problem by negotiating treaties which forced Indians farther west where they would not impede the progress of white settlement. Once placed on reservations in the west, Indians were supposed to be assimilated into the dominant culture by learning the white man's agricultural methods, as well as accepting the white man's language, religion, and culture. While some Indians assimilated rather easily, others proved more difficult, as was the case with a band of Pottawatomies who were put on the reservation in Kansas. This group, the Prairie band, resisted United States efforts to turn them into white farmers, preferring instead to maintain their traditional language and customs. By 1871, they were the only Pottawatomies left on the reservation who continued to resist assimilation; other bands of Pottawatomies had become assimilated and accepted their own individual allotments of land. Most of these assimilated Pottawatomies soon lost their land to greedy white speculators, and they ended up signing a treaty with the United States that sent them to Indian Territory (present day Oklahoma) As it turned out, allotments of land in severalty to Indians became official United States policy; beginning in the 1870s, many politicians favored a comprehensive allotment law that gave all Indians individual title to their land. Reformers who espoused Indian causes also favored such policies; a comprehensive allotment law seemed to be the quickest way to integrate Indians into white society. White reformers did not understand that Indians rarely saw land as something to be possessed; the concept of land ownership was completely alien to most tribes. Indians typically believed in land usage, where the land existed to benefit the entire tribe. Conflicting views such as this one were common when Indians and whites tried to deal with each other. In February, 1887 Congress passed a comprehensive piece of legislation, the General Allotment Act, which made land allotments in severalty a reality. Commonly called the Dawes Act, the new law gave specified amounts of land to Indians as individuals and provided United States citizenship for Indians once they were considered competent. Several Indian tribes delayed the application of the Dawes Act, one of which was the Prairie band of Pottawatomies in Kansas. The Prairie band had leaders who understood the effects of land allotment even before passage of the Dawes Act. The first of these was the Kickapoo prophet Kenekuk, whose teachings affected many Prairie band Pottawatomies as early as the 1830s. One of his closest disciples was Nozhakum, who assumed spiritual leadership of the Prairie band after Kenekuk passed away in 1852. By 1887, leadership had passed to the warrior Waquaboshkuk. who preached against the evils of land ownership as his predecessors had done. From 1887 to 1895, Waquaboshkuk fought implementation of the Dawes Act on the reservation, using varied methods including physical violence, speeches, trips to Washington D.C., and the United States legal system. United States Indian agents on the reservation, who were primarily responsible for getting the Prairie band to accept individual land allotments, found a worthy adversary in Waquaboshkuk. It was leadership such as that shown by Kenekuk, Nozhakum, and Waquaboshkuk that separated the Prairie band from other Pottawatomie Indians. Unfortunately for the Prairie band, the Dawes Act was forced on them without their acceptance by a presidential executive order in 1890; once this was done, all members of the Prairie band had received (though not accepted) allotments by the end of 1895. Waquaboshkuk and his followers pretended that allotments had never been made and tried to make sure that all the Prairie band believed the same way, at times resorting to violence against fellow tribesmen. Reservation Indian agents were empowered to use whatever means were necessary to counterract Waquaboshkuk, even confining him to the agency stockade. Allotments in severalty continued to be the policy in force on the reservation, thus Prairie band resistance proved futile. Most Prairie band members lost their allotments through provisions in the Dawes Act and related legislation that made it easy for the land to fall into white hands. This trend continued throughout the United States for the next thirty years or so; in the late 1920s, many reformers and politicians were forced to critically reexamine the allotment policy. In 1926, the Bureau of Indian Affairs hired the Brookings Institute, a non-partisan research organization, to study problems of Indian administration. The Brookings Institute published the results of their research in the 1928 Meriam Report. They concluded that assimilating Indians was a bad policy; their evidence also illustrated the disasters associated with land allotment policies. Reformers like John Collier had been demanding the abolition of land allotments throughout the 1920s and they used the results published in the Meriam Report to help change United States Indian policy in the early 1930s. Hastening these changes was the appointment of Collier as Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1933. Collier was the administrative force behind the Indian Reorganization Act (Wheeler-Howard Act) of 1934; this new legislation attempted to reverse the assimilationist policies of the past not only by eliminating allotments but also by encouraging and funding the existence of tribal governments and corporations on the reservation. Collier hoped that all Indians would accept the provisions of the Indian Reorganization Act, but he made participation optional for each Indian tribe. In 1934 the Prairie band held a special election; they voted on whether or not to accept the Indian Reorganization Act on their reservation. They were a tribe in disarray; most had lost their allotments and had little to their name. The only leaders among the tribes were a new generation of mixed-bloods who wanted to seize all the decision-making power within the tribe for themselves. Because the Prairie band had little faith in the United States, the new leaders successfully campaigned among the tribesmen to vote down the Indian Reorganization Act. Ironically, the Prairie band rejected the anti-assimilationist legislation that was supposed to repair the injustices of the past. The quality of leadership among the Prairie band had declined to the point that the Prairie band no longer protested policies because they were unfair, but they protested merely for the sake of argument. When studying the history of relations between the Prairie band and the United States, it can be argued that in many ways the experience of these Indians was typical. Because Indians had no political voice, no one in Washington listened when the Prairie band protested their mistreatment in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. As a result, Indians of the Prairie band were forced to accept land allotments in severalty despite repeated efforts to resist by Waquaboshkuk. The Prairie band of Pottawatomies' resistance to federal Indian assimilation policy is a remarkable story of the endurance of a people to retain their cultural identity and to reject assimilation into mainstream society.
Summarium Dilucidare armoniam iuridicae dimensionis et pastorales realitatis socialis Ecclesiae difficile evenit cum valde aequivocum sit verbum .pastoralis-, quod praeter eius significationes technicas utitur etiam sensu tactico, vulgari et aequivoco. Cum quoquomodo referat ad ordinem actionum qUibus Ecclesia in perficiendo suo munere autoefficitur in Historia, auctor finit significaciones latiores verbi: a) Significationes materiales: actio pastoralis cognominata fit actionis ecclesialis vel christianae, actionis ministerialis vel sacerdotalis, et actionis hodegeticae vel regiminis; b) Significationes formales: actio pastora lis cognominatafit actionis efficacis, actionis mediatricis Dei hominumque, actionis hic et nunc configuratae, et actionis iam designatae. Examinatur deinde locus quem significationes finitae implent in evolutione historica-doctrinale lheologiae pastoralis ut detectetur quae sit conceptio luris Canonici in mente pastoralistarum. Ut non incurratur in «cientifismum» quoddam cum examinentur actiones aedificantes Ecclesiae, proficiscendumest a natura vera pastoralis, id est, in quantum manifestatio naturae Ecclesiae, in quo consistit realiter notio .pastoralis»; sic pastoralis refert ad dynamicam propriam et exclusivam sacerdotii ministerialis, ita ut scientia lheologiae pastoralis constituenda erit tanquam cogitatio de actionibus ministerialibus sacerdotii hierarchici. lamen, cum verbum .pastoralis» nunc maxi me utatur ut notio pure scientifica et non notio realis, distinguendi sunt nitide tres ordines realitatum ad conc'ludendum non esse inter eos nexum causalitatisefficientis et formalis: ordo scientificus (lheologia pastoralis), realitates personales onticae sacramentalesque (indoles pastoris)atque consecutio salutis animarum (efficacitas pastoralis); ac aliqua potests prominere conclusio: in transponendis Ecclesiae notionibus, technicis atque rationibus scientiarum profanarum, reverentia naturae Ecclesiae et esse proprio rius realitatum est praevalens principiumabsolutum. His suppositis delimitatur punctum convergentiae Pastoralis et luris Canonici, quod est natura Ecclesiae, quia pastorale iuridica cumque potius qua m disiunctae realitates sunt dimensiones unius realitatis quae est Ecclesia. Apportatio propria luris aedificationi historicae Ecclesiae est dimensio iustitiae, aspectus attingens totum mysterium Ecclesiae, Ita ut non possimus dicere -campo ajurídico. praevium es se dationi legislativae luris humani ecclesiastici, sicut non est in Ecclesia .campo a divino. praevium neque eius realitates historicae eculiaresque apparent orbae omni norma omnique exigentia iustitiae. tDeinde poste a agitur de deformatione qua m verbum -pastoralis. passum est in conatu intelligendi et resolvendi omnes species mysterii Ecclesiae unice sub hoc prospectu; hic .pastoralismus» ducit ad inumbrandas et frangendas formalitates proprias aliarum scientiarum, et specialiter luris Canonici ratione significata. Describuntur postea tactus proprii praesentis -pastoralismi.: substituit orthodoxiam pro orthopraxl, amittitclarltatem distinctionis essentialis sacerdotii communis et ministerialis, historicismi et sociologismi in aestimatione efficacitatis salvificae Ecclesiae in Historia. Denique ex analysi relationum Pastoralis etluris auctor infert insequentes conclusiones: 1) Actlo pastoralis ut sit vere actio aedificans Eccleslae, prlus debet esse actio iusta. 2) lus Canonicum, quod est tutela identitatis, unitatis ordinisque socia¡'¡s Ecoleslae, est suppositum et basis necessaria activitatis pastora lis. --- Abstract lo explain the existing harmony between the legal and pastoral dimensions of the social reality of the Church is a difficult task, especially when .one takes into consideration the ambiguity of the term pastoral which, apart fron its technical significance, has been the object of tactical, vulgarized and equivocal use. In any case, the author not only shares the view that this term makes reference to the order of actions through whi.ch the Church finds its place in History by fulfilling its mission, but also accepts the most widely accepted meanings of the term: a) material meanings: pastoral action is synonymous with ecclesiastical o c:hristi.a.n ac:tion, ministerial or priestly actionand introductory or leading action. b) formal meanings: pastoral action is synonymous with efficacious action, an intermediary action between God and man, an action shaped by the condiyionings of the hie et nune and a planned action. Subsequently the importance of the meanings accepted in the historical and doctrinal evolution of pastoral lheology is analysed so as to detect what the conception of Canon Law, in the minds of the members of the pastorate, is. In order not to fall into «cientifismo. on analysing the .edifying actions of the Church., one has to start from the authentic nature of the pastorate, that ¡s, from the pastorate as a manifestation of the nature of the Church . because it is in this way that the reality of the .pastoral» concept is found; thus the pastorate refers to the very and exclusive dynamics of the priestly ministry, in such a way that ,Pastoral Theology ought to make itself, as far as science is concerned, into a reflection on .the ministerial actions of the priestly hierarchy». Nevertheless, as the term has today come to ,be used as a purely scientific concept (and not as a concept per se) , three orders of realities have c1early been distinguished to show that there is nonexus of efficient and formal causa lit y; the scientific order (pastoral theology), ontological and sacramental personal realities (pastorate) and the acquisition of the .salus animarum. (pastoral efficacy); but one conclusión is crystal clear: that in the transplantation of technical notions and methods of the profane sciences into the Church, the prevalant and absolute principie is the respect for the nature of the Church and the peculiar characteristics of her realities. With these explanations the point of convergente of the Pastora te and Canon Law Is delimited; the Canon Law is the nature of the Church, because pastorate and legality are dimensions of the only reaHty which is the Church, rather than separate realities. The real contribution of Law to the historical edification of the Church is the dimension of justic;e, which affects the entire -Mysterium Ecclesiae., so that it cannot be said that before the legis'lature of the human ecclesiastical Law there exists an cajuridical camp a priori.; likewise there doesn't exist an -adivine camp a priori.; and neither do the historica'l and concrete realities appear void of all norms and all exlgencies of justice. The author next writes about the hypertrophy which the term pastoral has undergone in the attempt to understand and solve all the facets of the mystery of the Church exolusively and solely under thls perspective; thls pastorate has led to confusion and the violation of the very formalities of other sciences among which Canon Law needs a special mentlon. Later on, the characteristic traits of the actual patarate are described: substitution of orthodoxy for orthopraxls, loss of clarity in the essential difference between the common priest and the ministerial prlest, hlstorlclty and sociology in the appreciation of the efficacy, In History, of the salvation found in the Church. ,Finally, the author deduces the following conclusions, concerning the analysis of the relatlonship between Pastorate and Law: 1) in order that a pastoral action might be authentically an action which edifies the Church, It has to be a just action a priori. 2) Canon Law, as a guardianship of Identity, unity and social order of the Church, Is a necessary leit motiv of pastoral activity.
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Jeremy Gilbert and I sometimes joke about TOP, the Transindividual Oriented Philosophy. The reference is obviously to the phenomenon of OOO (Object Oriented Ontology) in the early part of the millennium. As much as our joke has to do with sort of doctrinaire and polemical way the former arrived on the scene and our lack of interest in any such thing. (I should say in a parenthetical that is way too late, one of the things that always troubled me about OOO is that it emerged and thrived on blogs, but blogs with their intersection of the social and the technological seemed the last thing that the last thing that the crowd wanted to think about. Part of what makes me irredeemably a historical materialist is that I think the question of understanding where one is thinking from is paramount even if a bit quixotic--one can never see the ground that one speaks from). Despite this joke transindividuality, at least in terms of contemporary writers who use the concept, less a school of thought than a series of intersecting critiques and articulations. Or, if one wanted to be clever about it, the collection of writers who work on transindividuality are all part of a general orientation that is individuated differently in each of their specif philosophical articulations. I would say more about this but I feel like this is something that I tried to say with the examination of Balibar, Stiegler, and Virno in The Politics of Transindividuality.In that book I did not really discuss Bernard Aspe or Vittorio Morfino (at least at any length). However in the past month of so I have been reading a book by each of them that makes it clear how much they are part of the same metastable unity of philosophers. The books in question are Morfino's recently published Intersoggettività o Transindividualità: Materiali per un'alternativa (a book I was able to work through in Italian thanks to the generous help of Dave Messing who let me look at an early draft of the English translation) and Bernard Aspe's Les Fibres du Temps published in 2018. The two books are connected not just through their shared engagement with transindividuality, but in their use of the concept to overcome existing, perhaps even dominant, conceptions of individuality, subjectivity, and intersubjectivity. However, both books do so in very distinct and different ways, with different methods and genealogies. Morfino book, like all of Morfino's work, is absolutely admirable in its scholarship and erudition. Or, more to the point, Morfino's talent is an ability to combine a radical provocation with scholarly erudition. Morfino has a remarkable ability for going deep into the philological connections of a text or problem, working out all of the intersections and implications. However these investigations never seem like purely scholarly pursuits; the tasks and problems of radical politics are always close to hand. The history of philosophy is examined for the ways in which it has led us to our particular historical moment, and what might be done if we thought and acted differently. As the title suggests Morfino's book on intersubjectivity or transindividuality deals with an opposition between two different ways of understanding social relations. However, this opposition is not a matter of simply picking a side. As Morfino argues, even as intersubjectivity has been the dominant way of conceiving of social relations it still has for the most part been an afterthought in a philosophical tradition that has started from the individual subject. The way that the individual subject has been figured, in terms of its interiority and subjectivity, has made it difficult to grasp its relations with others, or reduces it to the general problem of how the external world can be known. As Morfino points out, Descartes the philosopher who gave us the cogito, who claimed that he could know himself prior to knowing the world, is the same philosopher who wondered if the figures under hats and coats he saw out the window might be automatic machines. As Morfino reminds us Descartes can only resolve this problem through the same way that he resolves the problem of knowledge in general; how we know other people is no different than how we know the objects in the world. The development of interiority, which begins with Descartes, has as its corollary the creation of intersubjectivity as a perpetual problem. The subject's assertion of its own certainty posits other people and with them social relations as a perpetual afterthought. Morfino charts the emergence of the dominant history of interiority and intersubjectivity from Descartes through Leibniz and Hegel, while at the same time charting its alternative, transindividuality emerging through Spinoza, Marx, and Freud, to be developed further in Althusser, Goldmann, and Pêcheux. The first trajectory passes through the concepts of cogito, monad, and subject, creating a concept of identity, interiority, and teleology, while the second trajectory, that of transindividuality has a largely subterranean dimmension. Morfino's orientation with respect to all of these problems can be considered primarily Althusserian, not just because he is influenced by Althusser but because he takes on an Althusserian labor of reading. Just as Althusser saw his task as one of reading the Marxist philosophy between the lines of Marx's critique of political economy and the political interventions of Marx, Lenin, and Mao, producing the concepts of overdetermination and structural causality, Morfino is able to excavate the concept or idea of transindividuality prior to its letter by consider the problem of relation in the history of philosophy.One of the more interesting interventions along these lines is his reading of the concept of Weschelwirking (interaction) in Marx and Engels. This concept is developed by Engels in his Anti-Dühring to complicate any linear or mechanical relation of cause and effect:....cause and effect are conceptions which only hold good in their application to individual cases; but as soon as we consider the individual cases in their general connection with the universe as a whole, they run into each other, and they become confounded when we contemplate that universal action and reaction [Weschelwirkung] in which causes and effects are eternally changing places, so that what is effect here and now will be cause there and then, and vice versa.This understanding of the mutual intersection and interaction of effects and causes informs an understanding of the mode of production that is something other than the classical and mechanical action of a base on a superstructure. As Morfino cites a passage, which also appears in Althusser's "Contradiction and Overdetermination"The economic situation is the basis, but the various elements of the superstructure — political forms of the class struggle and its results, to wit: constitutions established by the victorious class after a successful battle, etc., juridical forms, and even the reflexes of all these actual struggles in the brains of the participants, political, juristic, philosophical theories, religious views and their further development into systems of dogmas — also exercise their influence upon the course of the historical struggles and in many cases preponderate in determining their form. There is an interaction [Weschelwirkung] of all these elements in which, amid all the endless host of accidents (that is, of things and events whose inner interconnection is so remote or so impossible of proof that we can regard it as non-existent, as negligible), the economic movement finally asserts itself as necessary. Otherwise the application of the theory to any period of history would be easier than the solution of a simple equation of the first degree.As Morfino argues this concept of interaction is not often named as such by Marx, but in some sense it is at work in other names, or other concepts such as the interaction of production, distribution, and consumption that opens the 1857 introduction. Morfino's excavation of the concept culminates in his reading of Althusser's own articulation of the concept of transindividuality without the name. In Reading Capital Althusser posits that just as forces of production cannot be reduced to technology, relations of production cannot be reduced to intersubjectivity. As Althusser writes,"While the productive forces cannot be reduced to machines or quantifiable techniques, the relations of production cannot be reduced to relations between men alone, to human relations or intersubjectivity, as they are in the historicist ideology." Beyond this assertion Morfino traces as thought of transindividuality in the disagreement of Althusser and Lucien Goldmann. Goldmann did use the term transindividuality, but, as Morfino argues Goldmann in thinking the transindividual as the "relations of production" reduces it to a collective subject, to society as a subject, returning the concept to the subject and interiority it was meant to escape. Transindividual is not the genesis of the collective, but the interrelation, or interaction, of the constitution of the collective and the individual. As such, and this is the importance of the discussion of the concept of interaction in Engels and Marx, it is as much a rethinking of causality and of relations as it is a rethinking of subjectivity and individuality. Aspe's book is punctuated by discussion of films including ArrivalBut honestly this is here because I needed to break up the postBernard Aspe begins with the similar problem as Morfino's book, the priority of interiority over relation. For Aspe, however, this problem has less to do with a historical excavation than an assumed starting point. The orienting figures of our thought are that of an interiority accessible only to us, and the interiority of the other, unknown to us and only accessible indirectly. Any connection, any relation other than a kind of analogy, in which I know the other by comparing them to myself is excluded. It is precisely this excluded space that Aspe sets himself to explore, an examination of the space of subjectivation, "such a space is constituted by a play of interiorities and of relative exteriority, which do not correspond to the play of opposition between the interiority of the individual and the exteriority of the world of the other." Aspe's formulation of subjectivation is explicitly drawn from Simondon. (of the two books under consideration his book is more Simondonian in its concept of transindividuality while Morfino's is more Althusser/Balibarian). For Simondon the subject has to be thought as the relation between the individual and its preindividual relations that constitute the common. As Aspe puts it, "a collective is constituted by the laws that put in common the potentials carried by each, and thus, by the formation of new system..given its own proper energy." Or, to put it more directly "the group is capable of acting in the world because they already act on each other." The common space of our collective and individual individuation is time. Time, or a particular relation of temporality is both the constitution of individual and collectivity. This demands a discussion of the way in which time, temporality is both the site of our individuation, our specific memories, and our shared belonging. This is true even if we do not remember what constitutes our identity and cannot situate our place ourselves in what constitutes our commonality. As Aspe writes, "The fiber of time, it is the relation between an irreparable loss and a unlocalizable persistence. Common memory, itself without support, comes in the places of this absent space, where it inscribes memory."Aspe investigates common time by two different trajectories, first through a consideration of film. His book is punctuated by a series of inserts dedicated to films from Gaslight to Arrival. As he argues film gives us direct access to the common memory. Film is in some sense the object of a common memory, becoming part of shared references, it is also in some sense, for a limited time, a temporal object, in which the viewers experience the same images, ideas, and associations. Of course all of this is forgotten when people leave the theater (or shut their laptops), despite this loss film often documents the unlocalizable persistence of a historical moment. As Aspe writes, "The "new" American cinema (Aronofsky, Nolan, Anderson, but also for the intermediate generation, Cameron…) is not always convincing, but this is no doubt due to the bias that makes it special, according to which it is only by relying on déjà vu that we can produce new images. The situations that cinema takes for its point of view are willingly "archetypical."The archetypes can be found through a return to an American mythology (the heroic entrepreneur and radical individual of Anderson's There Will Be Blood), to the unconscious (the double as product of relation and the devouring other in Black Swan, another film of Aronofsky), to popular imaginary (super heroes)."Aside from the odd appellation of "new" American cinema, it is unclear if this diagnosis is as much about the individual aesthetics of the different directors than it is about a general trajectory in the production and marketing of film in which the past is seen as a reservoir of images to be mined for new films. One might say, following this remark, that the current stage of production in the age of intellectual property in which even the most forgettable movies, shows, and comic books from from the past are remade, (Watchmen, Night Court, Morbius), might not be some horrible deviation from our historical moment, but its most accurate reflection. We are living in a remake in which the conflicts of the past generations are relived and nostalgia for the immediate past has replaced hope for the future. Which brings us to the second consideration of common time, that of capital as the standardization of time. Aspe goes over the arguments of E.P. Thompson and Foucault on the standardization of time, adding to this discussion the point that all conflicts over labor take place within the standardization of time. Aside from Simondon, Aspe draws from an eclectic group of thinkers, Wittgenstein, Foucault, Kierkegaard, but perhaps the most surprising is Mario Tronti who often figures in such formulations as this, in which the antagonism, the opposition, between worker and capital is understood to be central, and accepting standardized time as the terrain of conflict, fighting over more work or less, is to fight on the terrain of capital. Capital can be understood as a standardization of time, space, and culture, in order to constantly expand. However, Aspe also draws from ecological thinkers such as Jason Moore and Dipesh Chakrabarty to argue that capitals exploitation of cheap nature, its treatment of everything into an externality, means that this standardization takes place against a globe that becomes more and more chaotic. Our common time is one of both unprecedented standardization and chaos.Morfino and Aspe's books represent two fundamentally different approaches to the transindividual, one historical the other critical, one ontological and the other phenomenological. At some point it might be necessary to work out the divisions between these two ways of looking at things, team transindividual will individuate and oppose itself in terms of Balibar Transindividualists, Simondon Transindividualists, etc., However, given the predominance of individuality, interiority, and intersubjectivity over our thought and practice, I am more inclined to let a thousand flowers bloom, exploring just what happens when one tries to think outside the individual, to think social relations beyond intersubjectivity.
Rosario Diana Istituto per la Storia del Pensiero Filosofico e Scientifico Moderno Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (ISPF-CNR) rosariodiana61@gmail.com Editoriale Performative Thinking in Humanities Un Quaderno periodico Editoriale in cui si spiega che il Quaderno Think Tank PTH – Performative Thinking in Humanities diventerà una pubblicazione annuale dedicata alla disseminazione dei saperi filosofici e umanistici attraverso le arti audiovisive e musicali. Filosofia, Musica, Teatro, Impegno, Politica Fabrizio Masucci Museo Cappella Sansevero fabriziomasucci@museosansevero.it Un melologo filosofico per Raimondo di Sangro principe di Sansevero Prefazione del Presidente del Museo Cappella Sansevero al libretto e alla partitura del melologo. Velo, Cristo velato, Museo Cappella Sansevero, Teatro della Filosofia, Disseminazione Rosario Diana Istituto per la Storia del Pensiero Filosofico e Scientifico Moderno Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (ISPF-CNR) rosariodiana61@gmail.com Il pensiero velato Una meditazione notturna del principe di Sansevero melologo in quattro quadri per voce recitante, voci registrate e percussioni libretto Basato sulle opere di Raimondo di Sangro e su altri testi dell'epoca concepiti nella cerchia dei cosiddetti Liberi pensatori, il libretto mette a fuoco la personalità del principe di Sansevero nel momento in cui scrive la Supplica (1753) da inviare a Benedetto XIV per chiedergli di derubricare la sua Lettera apologetica (1751) dall'Index librorum prohibitorum. Raimondo di Sangro viene presentato come un ostinato difensore della libertà di pensiero e della tolleranza. Il suo interesse per il sistema di segni del popolo peruviano (quipu) denuncia in lui un'attenzione per la scrittura, intesa come l'unico strumento concesso all'uomo per lasciare traccia di sé e guadagnare quindi una immortalità (non personale) nella fama. Pensiero critico, Tolleranza, Censura, Scrittura, Sperimentazione Rosalba Quindici Hochschule der Künste Bern rosalbaquindici@yahoo.it Il pensiero velato Una meditazione notturna del principe di Sansevero melologo in quattro quadri per voce recitante, voci registrate e percussioni score Partitura musicale del melologo. Musica contemporanea, Ricerca timbrica, Percussioni, Scrittura, Sperimentazione Rosario Diana Istituto per la Storia del Pensiero Filosofico e Scientifico Moderno Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (ISPF-CNR) rosariodiana61@gmail.com Pandemia 2020 / scena deserta Breve storia di un progetto nato e mutato dall'emergenza sanitaria Il breve saggio racconta le fasi di lavorazione necessarie a produrre il video Pandemia 2020 / scena deserta, che evoca il tema dei teatri chiusi per la l'epidemia di Covid-19 ed è dedicato ad attori e musicisti in difficoltà perché rimasti senza lavoro. L'esplodere dell'emergenza sanitaria ha costretto i partecipanti a modificare il progetto mentre era in corso di svolgimento. Teatro, Video, Scenografia, Musica, Sceneggiatura Nera Prota Accademia di Belle Arti di Napoli nera.prota@yahoo.com Pensare con le mani nell'era digitale Manualità tra Information Technologies (IT) e creatività umana Nelle Accademie di Belle Arti, sempre più spesso l'information technology è proposta come un sostituto o un surrogato dello sviluppo individuale della manualità. Coloro i quali, per qualsiasi motivo, si sentono a disagio nell'usare la loro manualità, possono trovare un'apparente via di uscita nell'uso dei software. Tuttavia, questo trend rinforza la perdita di manualità impedendo alle persone di costruire un loro personale linguaggio artistico. L'aiuto delle macchine nella produzione artistica incontra un'esigenza di mercato, consolidando l'idea fittizia che la creatività umana possa essere espressa attraverso processi standardizzati. Certamente, ciò è funzionale all'interesse del mercato. Per esempio, uno dei software più usati in ambito artistico progettuale è il CAD (Computer-aided design). Il nome del software immediatamente svela la relazione asimmetrica con l'utente. In molti casi, software come il CAD possono interagire direttamente con altre macchine complesse (ossia macchine a controllo numerico) per intraprendere attività di larga scala ed estrema precisione. In questo saggio, l'autrice ricerca il confine tra la produzione industriale e la creatività umana in ambito artistico, sfatando in questo modo alcune ambiguità sul ruolo che la tecnologia ricopre nella società. Design, Virtuale, Arte, Tecnologia, Didattica Benedetta Tramontano Accademia di Belle Arti di Napoli bene_98@hotmail.it Ricerca stilistica e scelte personali Tecla: un'evocazione visuale in tre bozzetti di una città invisibile di Italo Calvino Nel contributo si descrivono le modalità seguite nel dare una raffigurazione fantastica – dunque soggettivo-prospettica – di una delle città invisibili di Italo Calvino: Tecla, la metropoli-cantiere. L'Autrice ha deliberatamente scelto il disegno e la colorazione a mano libera, rifiutandosi di utilizzare software di disegno digitale. Acquerello, china, bozzetto, colore, disegno digitale Rosario Diana Istituto per la Storia del Pensiero Filosofico e Scientifico Moderno Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (ISPF-CNR) rosariodiana61@gmail.it Giancarlo Turaccio Conservatorio Statale di Musica di Salerno "Antonio Martucci" giancarlo.turaccio@gmail.com Un ascolto iniziatico Conversazione tra un filosofo e un compositore sulla musica acusmatica Un ricercatore di filosofia e un docente di composizione dialogano sulla musica acusmatica, ossia quella proposta (anche in concerto) in assenza della sua fonte sonora. La discussione ricostruisce brevemente la storia del concetto e mette in evidenza l'importanza dell'ascolto "puro", fondato sulla relazione diretta fra l'orecchio e l'oggetto sonoro. Pitagorici, Pierre Schaeffer, Walter Benjamin, Oggetto sonoro, Spazializzazione del suono Gianvincenzo Cresta Conservatorio Statale di Musica di Avellino "Domenico Cimarosa" gianvincenzo.cresta@conservatoriocimarosa.org Ricordo di Bruno Maderna (1920-1973) a cento anni dalla nascita Del canto immobile Qualche riflessione su Per Caterina di Bruno Maderna per violino e pianoforte Spesso nell'indagine storico analitica su un compositore si cerca una sintesi e ci si focalizza su alcune opere ritenendole maggiormente rappresentative. È una via possibile che però delimita l'identità del compositore, piegandolo a una narrazione semplificata, mentre invece il cammino creativo di un artista è un complesso caleidoscopio. Per Caterina di Bruno Maderna è un breve brano per violino e pianoforte composto nel 1963, il cui esito, pur ponendosi in rottura rispetto ad altre sue opere e agli stilemi stilistici degli anni '50 e '60, si colloca con naturalezza nell'arco creativo dell'autore. È un brano emblematico del suo modo di vivere la musica come fenomeno unitario, senza steccati stilistici e categorizzazioni. La retorica è per Maderna un mezzo e non un'estetica e la musica un'esperienza complessa che mescola al sonoro il percettivo, il motorio e l'emozionale. Afferma Maderna: «la musica non può essere che un fatto espressivo, un suono suscita reazioni e i suoni non sono che mezzi». Identità, Canto, Antico, Modernità, Libertà Tommaso Rossi Conservatorio Statale di Musica di Benevento "Nicola Sala" info@tommasorossi.it Una grande Aulodìa Flauto e oboe nella "melodia arcaica" di Bruno Maderna Nella variegata e copiosa produzione musicale di Bruno Maderna la scelta di dedicare una particolare attenzione al flauto e all'oboe – i due più acuti rappresentanti della famiglia dei "legni" – sembra andare oltre il pur comprensibile interesse del compositore per l'indagine timbrica di due affascinanti strumenti, ma è legato a ragioni più profonde, che risiedono in aspetti fondanti della poetica musicale del compositore. Il flauto e l'oboe sono "gli" strumenti della mitologia classica, e il loro suono particolare rimanda immediatamente alla Grecia antica, alla civiltà che il popolo greco ha creato e al culto della bellezza che ne è scaturito, influenzando il corso della storia dell'Occidente. Maderna guarda, attraverso il suono di questi strumenti, a questo mondo – oggi perduto – con il preciso desiderio di riproporre utopicamente, in una modernità segnata dalla violenza delle macchine e nel contesto di una società disumanizzata, un ideale superiore ma irraggiungibile di armonia. Attraverso l'analisi di molti dei lavori scritti da Maderna, che hanno per protagonisti il flauto e l'oboe, l'autore ricostruisce alcuni aspetti dell'estetica maderniana. Hyperion, Musica su due dimensioni, Grande Aulodia, Don Perlimplìn, Terzo concerto per oboe Rossella Gaglione Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II rossellagaglione@hotmail.com Discorsi tra Eco e Narciso A proposito di un recente libro di Dario Giugliano Che rapporto c'è tra ίδιοςe κοινός? E come possono la filosofia (nello specifico la metafisica) e la letteratura coniugare questi due termini? Quanto è difficile, e allo stesso tempo necessario, comunicare con l'Altro, cioè trasferire la propria voce singolare all'interno del sistema segnico condiviso affinché possa essere compresa? Che cos'è l'esperienza? Cosa si intende per idiotismo? Com'è possibile leggere il mito di Eco e Narciso? Questi e altri interrogativi sono alla base del testo di Giugliano che – grazie anche al confronto con vari pensatori (tra cui Platone, Novalis e Nietzsche) – offre numerosi e interessanti spunti di riflessione. Idiotismo, comunicazione, esperienza, Filosofia, linguaggio ; Rosario Diana Istituto per la Storia del Pensiero Filosofico e Scientifico Moderno Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (ISPF-CNR) rosariodiana61@gmail.com Editorial Performative Thinking in Humanities A Periodical Book Editorial explaining that the Book Think Tank PTH – Performing Thinking in Humanities will become an annual publication dedicated to the dissemination of philosophical and humanistic knowledge through the visual and musical arts. Philosophy, Music, Theater, Commitment, Politics Fabrizio Masucci Museo Cappella Sansevero fabriziomasucci@museosansevero.it A Philosophical Melologue for Raimondo di Sangro principe di Sansevero Preface by the President of the Sansevero Chapel Museum to the libretto and score of the melologue. Veil, Veiled Christ, Sansevero Chapel Museum, Philosophy Theater, Dissemination Rosario Diana Istituto per la Storia del Pensiero Filosofico e Scientifico Moderno Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (ISPF-CNR) rosariodiana61@gmail.com The Veiled Thought A Nocturnal Meditation by the Prince of Sansevero melologue in four scenes for narrating voice, recorded voices and percussion libretto Based on the works of Raimondo di Sangro and on other texts of the circle of the Free Thinkers, the libretto focuses on the personality of the Prince of Sansevero when he writes the Supplica (1753) for Benedict XIV. In it he ask him to delete his Lettera apologetica (1751) from the Index librorum prohibitorum. Raimondo di Sangro is presented as an obstinate defender of freedom of free thought and tolerance. His interest in the system of signs of the Peruvian people (quipu) denounces in him an attention to writing, which – understood as a trace of an existence – can guarantee immortality in fame. Critical Thinking, Tolerance, Censorship, Writing, Experimentation Rosalba Quindici Hochschule der Künste Bern rosalbaquindici@yahoo.it The Veiled Thought A Nocturnal Meditation by the Prince of Sansevero melologue in four scenes for narrating voice, recorded voices and percussion partitura musicale Score of the melologue. Contemporary music, Timbric Research, Percussion, Writing, Experimentation Rosario Diana Istituto per la Storia del Pensiero Filosofico e Scientifico Moderno Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (ISPF-CNR) rosariodiana61@gmail.com Pandemic 2020 / Deserted Scene A Brief History of a Project that the Pandemic has changed The short essay describes the processing steps to produce the video Pandemic 2020 / deserted scene, which evokes the theme of closed theaters because of the Covid-19 epidemic and is dedicated to actors and musicians in difficulty, because without work. The explosion of the health emergency forced the participants to modify the project while it was in progress. Theater, Video, Scenography, Music, Screenplay Nera Prota Accademia di Belle Arti di Napoli nera.prota@yahoo.com Thinking with Hands in the Digital Age Crafting Art Amidst Information Technology (IT) and Human Creativity In Art Academies, IT is increasingly proposed as a substitute or a surrogate to developing individual crafting abilities. Those that, for any reasons, feel uncomfortable using their hands can easily find in computer applications an apparent way-out. However, this trend reinforces hands disability preventing individuals to build their own personal artistic language. Machine support in art crafting meets a growing market demand ushering in the fictitious idea that human creativity can be achieved through standardized processes. This is of course functional to market interests. For example, one of the most popular software is used in art design is CAD (Computer-Aided Design). The name itself highlights the asymmetric relation with the user. In many cases software like CAD can directly interact with other complex machines (i.e., numeric control machines) to undertake large-scale, precision tasks. In this essay, the Author will search the boundary between industrial production and human creativity, thus debunking some ambiguity about the role of technology in society. Design, Virtual, Art, Technology, Didactics Benedetta Tramontano Accademia di Belle Arti di Napoli bene_98@hotmail.it Stylistic Research and Personal Choices Tecla: A Visual Evocation in Three Sketches of an Invisible City by Italo Calvino The contribution describes the methods followed in giving a fantastic – therefore subjective-perspective – representation of one of Italo Calvino's invisible cities: Tecla, the building site-city. The Author has deliberately chosen freehand drawing and coloring, refusing to use digital drawing software. Watercolor, Ink, Sketch, Color, Digital Drawing Rosario Diana Istituto per la Storia del Pensiero Filosofico e Scientifico Moderno Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (ISPF-CNR) rosariodiana61@gmail.it Giancarlo Turaccio Conservatorio Statale di Musica di Salerno "Antonio Martucci" giancarlo.turaccio@gmail.com An Initiatory Listening Conversation between a Philosopher and a Composer about Acousmatic Music A philosophy researcher and a professor of composition talk about acousmatic music, which is proposed (even live) in the absence of her sound source. The discussion briefly reconstructs the history of the concept and highlights the importance of "pure" listening, which is based on the direct relationship between the ear and the sound object. Pythagoreans, Pierre Schaeffer, Walter Benjamin, Sound Object, Spatialization of Sound Gianvincenzo Cresta Conservatorio Statale di Musica di Avellino "Domenico Cimarosa" gianvincenzo.cresta@conservatoriocimarosa.org Memory of Bruno Maderna (1920-1973) One Hundred Years After his Birth On Steady Song Some Reflections on Per Caterina by Bruno Maderna for Violin and Piano In the analytic historical survey of a composer we usually look for a synthesis and we focus on some works that are considered more representative. It is a possible way but that can restrict the identity of the composer, bending it to a simplified narrative whereas the creative journey of an artist is a complex kaleidoscope. Per Caterina by Bruno Maderna is a short piece for violin and piano composed in 1963, and despite being in contrast with his other works and stylistic styles of the '50s and '60s, it is naturally placed in the creative arc of the author. It is an emblematic piece of his way of experiencing music as a unitary event, without stylistic fences and categorizations. Rhetoric is for Maderna a means and not an aesthetic and music is a complex experience that mixes sound with the perception, the motor and the emotional. Maderna says: «Music can only be an expressive fact, a sound that elicits reactions and sounds are only a means». Identity, Song, Ancient, Modernity, Freedom Tommaso Rossi Conservatorio Statale di Musica di Benevento "Nicola Sala" info@tommasorossi.it Una grande Aulodìa The Flute and the Oboe in Bruno Maderna's "Arcaic Melody" In Bruno Maderna's varied and copious musical production, the choice to devote particular attention to the flute and the oboe – the two highest pitched members of the "woodwind" family – seems to go beyond the composer's understandable interest in the timbre investigation of two fascinating instruments, but it is linked to deeper reasons, which reside in fundamental aspects of the composer's musical poetics. The flute and the oboe are "the" instruments of classical mythology. Their particular sound immediately recalls ancient Greece, the civilization that the Greeks founded, with its inherent cult of beauty, which influenced the whole history of Western civilization. Through the sound of these instruments, Maderna looks at this world – now lost – with the precise desire to re-propose utopically–in a modernity marked by the violence of machines and in the context of a dehumanized society–a superior but unattainable ideal of harmony. Through the analysis of many of his works, which feature the flute and the oboe, the author reconstructs some aspects of Maderna's aesthetics. Hyperion, Musica su due dimensioni, Grande Aulodia, Don Perlimplìn, Terzo concerto per oboe Rossella Gaglione Università degli Studi di Napoli Federico II rossellagaglione@hotmail.com Talkbetween Echo and Narcissus About a Recent Book by Dario Giugliano What is the relationship between ίδιος and κοινός? And how can philosophy (specifically metaphysics) and literature combine these two terms? How difficult is, and at the same time necessary, communicate with Other, that is to transfer one's singular voice in the shared sign system for this voice can be understood? What is experience? What is idiotism? What about the myth of Echo and Narcissus? These questions and other ones are the basis of Giugliano's text which – thanks also to the comparison with various thinkers (including Plato, Novalis and Nietzsche) – offers numerous interesting food for thought. Idiotism, Communication, Experience, Philosophy, Language