Search results

The article examines the role of religion in the ethnic formation of the Oirats, especially between the 15th and 17th centuries. The period proved crucial for the social and political development of the Oirats. The sources for the article include both well-known and understudied texts, such as: the Mongolian chronicle The Secret History of the Mongols (Mong. Mongolyn nuuts tovchoo, compiled in 1240), Compendium of Chronicles (Pers. Jāmiʿ al-Tawārīkh, compiled around 1310) by the Persian historian and statesman Rashid al-Din (1247-1318), History of Rashid (Pers. Tarikh-i Rashidi, 1546) by Mirza Muhammad Haidar (1499-1551), The Autobiography of the Fifth Dalai Lama (Tib. Za hor gyi ban de ngag dbang blo bzang rgya mtsho'i 'di snang 'khrul ba'i rol rtsed rtogs brjod kyi tshul du bkod pa du ku la'i gos bzang) by Ngawang Lobsang Gyatso (1617-1682), the Mongolian chronicles Erdeniin Tobchi (1662) by Sagang Sechen (1604-?) and Altan Tobchi of Guush Luvsandanzan (17th c.), texts on the history of the Oirats by the Kalmyk historians Gabang Sharab (written in 1737) and Batur Ubashi Tyumen (written in 1819), as well as some newly discovered Oirat sources. First, the paper considers the correlated issues, i.e. the main tribes (nations) of the early Oirats as they appeared in corresponding sources. According to Rashid-al-Din, the Oirats belonged to the group of peoples, who identified themselves as Mongols, though they had not recognized themselves as such in the earlier times. According to Erdeniyn Tobchi, the main Oirats peoples were the Ogelet, Bagatud, Khoit and Kergud, who composed the early confederation of the Oirats, and according to other chronicles, the first three of them had existed in 15th century. Special attention is paid to the problem of the so-called 'westward exodus' of the Elet Oirats. The article concludes that was a true event which happened in the mid-to-late 15th century. The main reason was the religious ardor of the famous Oirat ruler Esen Tayiji's (an active proponent of Buddhism) two grandsons - Ibrahim and Ilyas - who had been brought up as convinced Muslims. The paper hypothesizes that being leaders of the Elets, the brothers moved along with a significant part of this Oirat people to Moghulistan where probably most of them were put to death by Alachi Khan (Ahmad Khan). This could happen around 1485-1504. The tragic event led to the important transformative changes among the Oirats, namely: a new 'middle' confederation was created by the Oirats with Buddhism as the crucially important faith for the very survival of the nation. Besides, over time the remaining Esen's descendants formed two new peoples - Dorbets and Dzungars. The echo of the sudden exodus of the Elet Oirats was still evident in the mid-17th century, as The Autobiography of the Fifth Dala-lama mentions some significant damage among six main Oirat peoples. The paper concludes that religion traditionally played an outstanding role in the social and political history of the Oirats. ; Статья посвящена малоизученной теме роли религии в этнической истории ойратов. Автор изучает данные различных источников по раннему составу ойратов, а также дальнейшее развитие ойратских объединений в составе трех конфедераций: Ранней (XIV в. - вторая пол. XV в.), Средней (вторая пол. XV в. - 1637 г.), Поздней (с 1637 по 1758 гг.). У ойратов религия (духовные предпочтения) традиционно играла важную роль - например, духовные вожди могли возглавлять народ (Худуха-беки). По нашему мнению, одно из важных проявлений роли религии в этнической истории ойратов имело место во второй половине XV в. - начале XVI вв., когда ввиду религиозных разногласий значительная часть элётов (потомков ранних ойратов-огеледов), ведомая своими лидерами - двумя внуками тайши Эсена, воспитанными в исламской вере, перекочевала в Могулистан, где они (элёты) в большинстве своем были уничтожены Ахмад-ханом (Алачи-ханом). Это событие привело к значительным трансформативным процессам у ойратов: влияние чоросского клана, к которым принадлежал род Эсена, сошло на нет, а оставшиеся элёты образовали новые народы - дербетов и джунгаров. Особенно явно роль религии (буддизма) у ойратов проявится в период правления Эсена-тайши (1407-1455), и в последующем для ойратов поддержка этой религии станет жизненно важной в политике их государств.

"An electric and intimate story of 1970s gay Atlanta through its bedazzling drag clubs and burgeoning rights activism. Coursing with a pumped-up beat, gay Atlanta was the South's mecca-a beacon for gays and lesbians growing up in its homophobic towns and cities. There, the Sweet Gum Head was the club for achieving drag stardom. Martin Padgett evokes the fantabulous disco decade by going deep into the lives of two men who shaped and were shaped by this city: John Greenwell, an Alabama runaway who found himself and his avocation performing as the exquisite Rachel Wells; and Bill Smith, who took to the streets and city hall to change antigay laws. Against this optimism for visibility and rights, gay people lived with daily police harassment and drug dealing and murder in their discos and drag clubs. Conducting interviews with many of the major figures and reading through deteriorating gay archives, Padgett expertly re-creates Atlanta from a time when a vibrant, new queer culture of drag and pride came into being"--

The place and role of the Kyivan Rus in the centuries-old history of Ukrainian statehood are analyzed. The main attention is paid to the fact that the Kyivan Rus was the first state created by Ukrainians. The Rosy, Rusyns, Ukrainians are historical ethnonyms of one Ukrainian nation, in the language of which is Ukrainian, known from the VII century. The formation and development of the Kyiv Principality with the center in Kyiv was a logical result of the internal socio-economic and political development of the Eastern Slavs - the original Ukrainians. The unification within the limits of one Kyivan Rus state gave the Eastern Slavs the opportunity to defend their lands from the attacks of foreign powers and nomadic peoples (in the east and south – from the Pechenegs and Cumans, in the north – from the Varangians, in the west – from the Polish and Hungarian kings, in the south – from Byzantium). The victory of the Kyivan troops over the nomads also saved the West European states from the Turkic invasion.It is emphasized that the Kyivan Rus state in the form of government was considered a medieval monarchy and power in it was carried out on the principle of the suzerainty-vassalage. The relations of suzerainty-vassalage, typical for Europe, especially of its West, acquired here the completed forms, since the power of the Grand Duke over the domain princes, as well as power of the latter over the nobility was minimal. Although the Kyivan prince was a chief, Grand Duke of the entire state, but with the development of medieval relations between Kyiv and local princes the inter-princely agreements were signed, the so-called cross-scribing letters.The Kyivan Rus State – Rus' had the most important features of the state: its territory, the basis of which consisted of modern Ukrainian lands and the name of what is mentioned in the Chronicle, interstate agreements – «our land began to be called Rus'», which testified to the beginning of political identification and, accordingly, was considered one of the important signs of the existence of the state. The formation of the state has gone a long way to its evolution. Its main stages were the identification of the first state (state establishment) with the name of the ruling tribe, then the use of the words «land», «power», etc., and in new times – «nation» (people) to indicate the name of the state.It is emphasized that the Kyivan Rus state had a developed system of state authorities. The organization of state power and society in the Kyiv-Rus' state corresponded to the European model of that time. The supreme state power belonged to the prince, who carried out its most important functions - legislative, executive, judicial. Prince also headed the army, owned a significant state apparatus. He had the right to collect taxes, issue coins and order the treasury.Kyivan Rus' State – Ukraine-Rus' was one of the largest and most powerful states of the early Middle Ages, and had a significant influence on the cultural, political and state-building processes in Eastern Europe. This medieval Ukrainian state had achieved significant political and legal development and, at the level of law, economics and culture, had become one of the most advanced countries of that time in Europe. Subsequently, an equally powerful Galicia-Volyn' state, which also occupies an important place in the history of Ukrainian statehood, became the embodiment of the state idea of the Ukrainian people. ; Проаналізовано місце і роль Києво-Руської держави в багатовіковій історії українсь­кого державотворення. Акцентовано увагу на тому, що Києво-Руська держава була тим фундаментом, з якого і розпочалося створення Української держави. Утворення і розвиток княжої Київської держави з центром у Києві –закономірний результат внутрішнього соціаль­но-економічного та політичного розвитку українців. Розкрито характерні риси державно-правового розвитку Київської Русі. Зазначено, що роси, русини, українці – це історичні етноніми одного народу, мовою якого є українська, яка відома ще з VІІ століття Києво-Руська держава відіграла важливу роль в українській та європейській історії. Києво-Руська держава – Україна-Русь справила значний вплив на культурні, політичні та державотворчі процеси у Східній Європі. Ця середньовічна українська держава досягла значного політич­ного розвитку і за рівнем економіки та культури увійшла до найпередовіших країн того­часної Європи.

Social support is frequently cited as a protective factor against juvenile offending. The current study examined whether a close relationship with an adult in childhood decreases the risk for offending among individuals with a history of child maltreatment. This research utilized data from a prospective cohort design study in which children with court-substantiated cases of abuse and neglect and nonmaltreated children matched on age, sex, race, and approximate family social class were followed into adulthood ( N = 1,196). Having a close relationship with an adult did not decrease risk for delinquent behavior or arrest, but a close relationship with a parent was associated with lower risk for delinquent behavior. Surprisingly, adults with no history of maltreatment who reported having a close relationship with a peer or sibling were more likely to report engaging in violent behavior in adolescence. In total, these findings point to the complexity of development and suggest that although a close relationship with an adult can be protective, the mere presence of such a relationship, without inquiry into the type of relationship, is not sufficient.

This essay acknowledges the importance of examining the #metoo movement in global, cross-cultural, international contexts as scholars. Yet it also argues for teaching the social media (SM) movement in a grounded historical context as growing out of other moments of women's liberation movement history in which women came together to tell their story, sharing their personal experiences that led to political action, particularly when teaching the hashtag movement in introductory women and gender studies courses. The author shares her efforts to do so online at a south-eastern technical university in the United States in the Spring of 2019. Not as part of evaluations but as part of a teaching unit within the course, she asked her nearly 50 students, both male and female, to compare and contrast the SM movement to consciousness-raising groups in which women had met face-to-face to share their experiences in an earlier time in movement history. All 300 student posts and reflections posted in the week under examination were scrutinized by the instructor, and their thoughts and conclusions analyzed. In this article, a sample of four is explored. ; Ovaj rad raspravlja važnost istraživanja #metoo pokreta u globalnom, kulturalnom i međunarodnom kontekstu. Osim toga, rad zagovara i predavanje društvenih pokreta u istorijsko utemeljenom kontekstu ženskih oslobodilačkih pokreta u kojima su se žene udruživale u deljenju svoje priče i ličnih iskustava koji su onda doveli do političkog delovanja. Ovo je posebno značajno kada se predaje pokret utemeljen na hashtagu u uvodnim rodnim i ženskim studijama. Autorka deli svoje napore u predavanjima online na jugoistočnom tehničkom univerzitetu u Sjedinjenim Američkim Državama u proleće 2019. Kao deo nastavne jedinice studija, a ne evaluacije programa, autorka je pitala oko 50 studenata, žena i muškaraca, da uporede društvene pokrete s grupama za podizanje svesti u kojima su se žene lično nalazile i delile svoja iskustva ranije u istoriji ženskog pokreta. Svih 300 studentskih postova i ...

AbstractThis article investigates what nineteenth-century novels can tell us about the speech of the lower orders, using the "Dialect in British Fiction 1800–1836" database to focus specifically on how the speech of servants is represented. Recent work on enregisterment has led to a resurgence of interest in literary representations of dialect in relation to specific linguistic features and varieties. I argue that a sustained engagement with literary texts has the potential to illuminate wider cultural constructs of language variation, and that to accomplish this, attention must be paid to issues of genre as well as a range of stylistic features including speech representation, metalanguage and characterisation. The article concludes that, while novels are able to tell us little about how servants really spoke, they are a rich source of information about the attitudes and assumptions that underpinned cultural concepts such as "talking like a servant".

Este trabajo analiza la militancia en las organizaciones revolucionarias de Argentina, en los años 70 (PRT-ERP y Montoneros). El análisis se focaliza en las menciones que aparecen en la prensa y en documentos internos de ambas organizaciones al papel de los afectos, la vida cotidiana y la construcción de la subjetividad militante. ; This paper analyzes the militancy in the revolutionary organizations in Argentina, in the 70s (PRT-ERP and Montoneros). The analysis focuses on the mentions in the press and internal documents of both organizations about the role of affections, daily life and the construction of the militant subjectivity. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

The article introduces three historical and linguistic approaches on political thought (Anglophonic history of ideas (A. O. Lovejoy, Q. Skinner), German conceptual his­tory (R. Koselleck) and French history of political (P. Rosanvallon)), and have se-veral aims. Firstly, it tries to understand and conceptualize some premises of Western academy that could be easily integrated in Lithuanian socio-humanitarian tradition of political researches. On the one hand, it could help for critical understanding of some historical and political studies done in Lithuania in the past years. On the other hand, it shows what kind of problems should be solved if we want to use histori­cal analysis of political in Lithuania. The article tries to present a mode for relating history and politics while looking at them not as power practices, but highlighting historical researches as methodological tool to understand political action and mea-ning of political. While describing three humanitarian perspectives to political science that are concerned with studying political phenomena we can point out several of their com­mon points. Firstly, utterance and political action are closely interrelated. Secondly, all programs emphasizes historical context – past ideas, conceptions and discussions should be seen as meaningful in specific historic period and contravene to our known meanings. Thirdly, all public ideas are presenting some world view or historical rea-lity. At the same time they are instruments used for expressing thoughts (to firm or to change social world or idea system), and objects that could be changed. Fourthly, thoughts expressed in utterance are rational, e. g. understandable in everyday com­munication at that historical period. Finally, historicity as important cause for trans­forming ideas, concepts and discussion issues matters for all three schools. All those presuppositions create programs that could help to understand political thought and debates in the new light of history. Also there are some significant differences between three approaches that should be taken in to account if we want to use them in practical analysis. Article points out differences in research strategy (for example, micro- and synchronic analysis used by Skinnerian history of ideas; macro- and diachronic analysis common to conceptual history and some kind of middle way is taken by history of political), scope of re­search (not all of the approaches recognize importance of national or social context), sources used for analysis (not all historical material is used as meaningful), methodo­logical presumptions and aims of the analysis. This all leads to different concept of politics and what is meant by meaningful political analysis in all three approaches. In the last section of the article we introduce context of current studies of political thought in Lithuania and indicates possible trends for future studies while using more historical approaches to political. It is claimed that all three schools could help deepen our knowledge about Lithuanian political culture, tradition of political thought and transformation of main political concepts in Lithuania. While arguing that article also shows four main problems or trends for future analysis of Lithuanian case: relation with other traditions of political thought; question of Lithuanian political vocabulary; the beginning of modernization and change of meaning of concepts; question of con­tinuity or discontinuity in usage of concepts. ; Straipsnyje pristatomos trys humanitarinės žiūros į politiką: anglofoniškoji idėjų istorija, vokiškoji sąvokų istorija ir prancūziškoji politiškumo istorija. Teigiama, kad jos ne tik gali tapti naujomis Lietuvos politikos mokslų mokyklomis, bet ir būti naudingos prieigos tyrinėjant Lietuvos politinės minties istoriją ir politinės kultūros specifiką. Straipsnyje išryškinami svarbiausi prieigų metodologiniai panašumai ir skirtumai, parodoma, kokie keliami svarbiausi klausimai ir duodami atsakymai. Baigiamoji straipsnio dalis pristato šių programų vietą bendrame Lietuvos politinės minties tyrinėjimų kontekste. Taip pat nurodomi svarbiausi galimi būsimų tyrimų klausimai.

The community of Aklavik, North West Territories, was known as the "Gateway to the North" throughout the first half of the Twentieth Century. In 1959, the Canadian Federal Government decided to relocate the town to a new location for a variety of economic and environmental reasons. Gwitch'in and Inuvialuit refused to move, thus claiming their current community motto "Never Say Die". Through a series of interviews and participant observation with Elders in Aklavik and Inuvik, along with consultation of secondary literature and archival sources, this thesis examines ideas of the impact of mission hospitals, notions of health, wellness and community through an analysis of some of the events that transpired during this interesting period of history. ; October 2010