Suchergebnisse

"This book addresses the international legal issues surrounding the adoption of secondary sanctions. These controversial measures aim to regulate economic or financial transactions between third states and a target state. The volume takes on board recent evolutions in case-law and practice, such as the drafting of the EU Anti-Coercion Instrument"--

Identity formation in political and occupational domains was examined from young to middle adulthood based on an ongoing longitudinal study. In addition to the participants' identity status (diffused, moratorium, foreclosed, achieved), we assessed their perceived importance of politics, future orientation, and career stability four times in adulthood, at ages 27, 36, 42, and 50. The number of participants varied between analyses, from 168 to 291. Changes in the economic situation in Finland from 1986 to 2009 provided a context for the study. Data collections at ages 36 (in 1995) and 50 (in 2009) took place during economic recessions, and at age 42 (in 2001) during an economic boom. The results were discussed from both age-graded and history-graded perspectives. Developmental trends in political and occupational identity were reversed across age and changes in the economic situation. Political identity was at its lowest level and occupational identity was at its highest level at age 42 during the economic boom. Political identity progressed at a time of economic recession at age 50, whereas occupational identity regressed. In women, identity changes were associated with personal career stability. The perceived importance of politics increased concurrently with political identity achievement. During the recession when they were age 50, women tended to worry about future financial problems, while men perceived their future depending decreasingly on themselves and increasingly on the world situation. The results indicate that macro-level economic conditions may have psychological implications on people's conceptions of themselves that are worth considering in developmental studies. ; peerReviewed

The great economic growth achieved in Latin America during the 1990s was accompanied by negative characteristics from unemployment to volatility. Moreover, the 'lost half-decade' of 1997—2002 witnessed an increase in poverty and growing inequality. The promised accelerated growth, low unemployment, improved income distribution and reduction of poverty were far from achieved despite the liberalization that led to higher exports and direct foreign investment. In the aftermath, a space has opened for the broad, creative review of the region's development agenda, particularly in light of the Millennium Development Goals. If Latin America is to meet these goals, it must not only achieve economic growth and recover external markets but also complement these with a dynamic development that is integrating, inclusive, equitable, democratic and participatory.

Mainstream literature in international relations understands negotiations in terms of power politics and/or bargaining processes between rival national interests to account for states' negotiating stands. Using definitions and questions initially defined by Thomas Risse, this study of processes at work in the biodiversity regime underlines instead their deliberative dimension and its contribution to positive negotiation outcomes. However, the article also challenges the dominant understanding of deliberation in global environmental politics that focuses on the participation of non-governmental organizations and other interest groups in the 'public space'. Instead it identifies deliberative elements in the negotiation process proper, stressing in particular the importance of the relationships developed between governmental delegations through series of closed meetings of selected participants. This contribution uses for illustration the negotiations leading to the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety and to the Nagoya Protocol on Access to Genetic Resources and the Fair and Equitable Sharing of Benefits Arising from their Utilization.

Mainstream literature in international relations understands negotiations in terms of power politics and/or bargaining processes between rival national interests to account for states' negotiating stands. Using definitions and questions initially defined by Thomas Risse, this study of processes at work in the biodiversity regime underlines instead their deliberative dimension and its contribution to positive negotiation outcomes. However, the article also challenges the dominant understanding of deliberation in global environmental politics that focuses on the participation of non-governmental organizations and other interest groups in the 'public space'. Instead it identifies deliberative elements in the negotiation process proper, stressing in particular the importance of the relationships developed between governmental delegations through series of closed meetings of selected participants. This contribution uses for illustration the negotiations leading to the Cartagena Protocol on Biosafety and to the Nagoya Protocol on Access to Genetic Resources and the Fair and Equitable Sharing of Benefits Arising from their Utilization.

AbstractIn the seriesNeither Victims Nor Executioners(1946) the Franco-Algerian writer Albert Camus argued for the need of a relative utopia that would allow man, who refused the logic of murder and violence, to revolt against their historical condition. To this end Camus stressed the importance of fighting for a new democratic world order that would have reversed the condition of international dictatorship immanent in the interdependent world of the 20th century. In the series of essays another reading is possible; an attempt to find a new political way after the end of the classic modern world - a system founded on the supremacy of European nation-States - and to consider such an attempt as an interesting standpoint to face current transnational challenges.