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"The Twilight of World Trotskyism analyzes the reasons behind the historic failure of the Trotskyist movement around the world. The book begins this assessment by briefly recapitulating the origins of Trotskyism, as a political current within the communist movement, and elaborating its major elements, before describing the historical development of Trotskyism in the four countries where it has sunk the deepest roots and which house the clear majority of the world's Fourth Internationals: Argentina, Britain, France and the USA. It then proceeds to map the current state of the global Trotskyist movement. Whatever their current size and status, Trotskyist organizations aspire to become mass political parties and lead revolutionary seizures of power. It is therefore appropriate to examine them through the metrics applied to mainstream parties, namely organization, membership and political influence. The author looks at the dynamics of the Trotskyist movement, focusing in particular on the supposedly harmful effects of the communist movement before then turning to examine the role of Trotskyist organizations in the many revolutionary situations that have appeared since the 1920s and in the various 'cycles of protest' that have occurred in the latter half of the 20th century and the early years of the 21st century. The final section examines the two success stories frequently cited in Trotskyist literature, namely the cases of Bolivia and Sri Lanka. The book concludes by setting out and examining a wide variety of explanations for the chronic and sustained weaknesses of the Trotskyist movement, including its flawed appraisals of contemporary politics and economics, ultra-radical programmes and policies, failures in understanding the dynamics of protest and the baleful legacy of Soviet communism. It is argued that these weaknesses are rooted in Trotskyist doctrine and are therefore integral, not peripheral, features of world Trotskyism. This volume will be essential reading for activists and scholars interested in the transnational history and politics of the radical left"--

The rise and fall of humanist imperial policy across Britain's nineteenth-century empire has received considerable attention in terms of how the principles of Indigneous protection that underpinned the 1837 Report from the House of Commons Select Committee on Aborigines fared as a governmental imperative to meet the obligations of humane colonisation. In particular, scholars have examined the gulf between the theory and the practice of protectionist policy as an Indigenous legal right, the tensions between metropolitan initiatives to protect subject peoples and the neglect of those initiatives by local governments and settler lobbies, and the transition of protectionist agendas from an earlier model of Indigenous "amelioration" to a later model of Indigenous governance and surveillance. In comparison to the uses and failures of protection as a mechanism of colonial governmentality, less attention has been given to the strategic value that the humanitarian politics of protection, with its rhetoric of obligation and solicitude, might have held for Indigenous peoples. Within the comparative framework of nineteenth-century Australia and Canada, this paper will consider some of the contexts in which Indigenous people enlisted the humanitarian agendas and rhetoric of protection in encounters with representatives of the British Crown. As emergent British settler states, nineteenth-century Australia and Canada represent divergent ends of colonial governmental efforts to bring Indigenous people within the Crown's jurisdiction. In much of what is now Canada, treaties were signed between Indigenous peoples and the Crown. They endorsed a principle that resources would be exchanged for the Crown's protection, although in the years that followed, many of the expectations established by treaties would be disappointed. In Australia, the absence of treaty negotiations, and the subsequent violence that followed the path of settlement wherever it went, made the promise of the Crown's protection a significantly ineffectual concept from the outset. Yet even if being within the Crown's protection had little practical purchase in a daily sense, there were times when Aboriginal people found cause to enlist their status as the Crown's subjects to call upon its obligations and sympathies. In different settings and across different times, their strategic engagements with the humanitarian politics of protection have much to say both about practical tensions in colonial conceptions of humane governance, and about the degrees of agency Indigenous people could deploy in asserting a political place within the colonial order.

Faith and Fortune: visualizing he divine on Byzantine and early Islamic coins was an exhibition at the Barber Institute of Fine Arts (October 2013-January 2015). It reflected on ways in which the rise of Islam in the seventh century shaped global political and economic systems, and how the early Islamic government and the Christian Byzantine Empire expressed the religious loyalties of their states visually. The exhibition, however, attempted to move away from traditional approaches to presenting coins, focusing almost exclusively on them as images and political documents. Instead, this exhibition sought to convey a sense of coins as economic artefacts, tightly woven into the day-to-day fabric of ordinary lives in a period of extraordinary change. This article examines how the spatial, textual and temporal intersected in historical theory and exhibition design and suggests that exhibition represents an alternative method both of presenting (and teaching) but also of undertaking research.

"Combining personal and family recollections with incisive accounts of academic, political, and institutional experiences, The Art of Memory offers a remarkable account of the life of one of the foremost Latin American ethnographers and a leading expert in Indigenous cultures, peoples, and cosmologies. Varese narrates the story of his journey from Italy to Peru, his formative years as an anthropologist and the critical work he did with Amazonian communities in the 1970s, his transformation into an activist scholar, his move to Mexico and his long-standing commitment with the peoples of Oaxaca, and his life as an academic in the United States ... combines the personal, the political, and the transnational to produce a vivid account of a unique and fulfilling journey"--

Sickinger (classics, Florida State University) explores the use and preservation of public records, especially laws and decrees, in the ancient Athenian democracy of the archaic and classical periods. He demonstrates that inscriptions on marble represented only a small part of Athenian record keeping, and traces the development of more numerous and more widely used archival texts written on wooden tablets or papyri, from their first use to record laws in Drakon and Solon in the late seventh and early sixth century BC, through the proliferation of public record keeping of all sorts that occurred over the course of the sixth and fifth centuries.

Irish-American nationalism had its origins in the loneliness, poverty & prejudice of those immigrants who have left Ireland since the 1845 famine. Landing in America like tired migratory birds, having to perform the crude labor of the unskilled & unable to become assimilated into US society, they blamed their misfortune on England, more so than did the peasants in Ireland itself. Their nationalism expressed their feeling of inferiority, their sensitiveness to criticism & yearning for respectability. The revolutionary & hateful fervor of this nationalism repelled most Americans, who had previously championed the Irish cause. The ideology was strengthened by the `discovery' of Celtic history & the attempt to identify the struggle for human freedom as being between Celt & Saxon. Philo-Celtic societies were formed & the press became the main instrument in Celtic propaganda. Though originally the Irish cause was identified with Catholicism, many nationalists opposed this identification &, after the death of Archbishop Hughes, Catholicism lost its influence. Leadership fell to politicians & reformers & eventually to the Fenian Brotherhood. This movement, which was organized as a 'distinct Republic within the American Republic', revealed Irish-American nationalism in its finest flowering & full ambiguity. IPSA. Adapted from the source document.

The chapter examines the nature of 'tragic experience' in modern theatre from Arthur Miller to Heiner Müller, arguing that while the modern stage eschewed the classical tradition of tragic drama, what it nonetheless discovered, through the ghastly lessons of the twentieth-century, was a new kind of tragic experience that it made thematic: the death of experience itself - where tragedy permeates the very essence of everyday living.