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The relationship between gender and political aggression is hotly debated and the empirical evidence is often mixed. While many surveys find a gender gap, with women less supportive of politically motivated aggression and violence than men, numerous case studies point to women's active involvement in political violence and refute the association of women with peacefulness. This article argues that the gender–aggression relation depends upon (1) the type of political aggression under study (i.e. direct vs. indirect political aggression), and (2) contextual factors, notably the salience of a protracted conflict. Using original datasets representing Israeli Jews (N = 3,126) we found that in the context of protracted conflict, gender has a unique effect on support for indirect forms of political aggression, over and above other central predictors of political aggression (i.e. political orientation and threat perceptions), such that women are actually more supportive of politically motivated social distancing and exclusion of out-groups in conflict as compared to men. Women and men, however, do not differ in their support for direct, politically motivated, violent acts against government officials. Results also shed light on potential mechanisms underlying these differences (and lack thereof), in the context of protracted conflict. The findings cast further doubt on the stereotype of 'peaceful women' and point to the need for policymakers concerned with conflict resolution to address context-related factors when considering the gender-based differences in political aggression.

Environmental stress contributes to food insecurity, poverty, forced migration and violent conflict in the Sahel, with climate change aggravating the situation. The production of gum arabic from the acacia tree increasingly aligns with the community stakeholders' efforts to promote climate change mitigation, adaptation and resilience. Based on expert interviews and field observations in Niger, and a reading of relevant documents, I found that gum arabic production is valuable for conflict mitigation because it helps tackle the root causes of violent conflicts. The acacia gum tree is a natural soil fixer and multinational companies have coveted the resin from the tree, which is a rising commodity and a promising source of revenue for the local inhabitants. As different communities work together and cooperate with outside actors (government agencies, international partners, NGOs and businesses), the opportunities to build social cohesion around the tree increase. By facilitating ecological improvement, social inclusion and poverty alleviation, the promotion of gum arabic production, despite other issues such as bad natural resource governance, is a critical environmental peacebuilding strategy. Hence, suitable funding of massive afforestation with the acacia tree fits with community-based natural climate solutions to global humanitarian issues by protecting and restoring the local environment.

[eng] This doctoral thesis presents an analysis of the judicial procedure in Catalonia between the years 950 and 1130. Catalan Archives preserve an exceptional number of documents related to justice which thanks to recent and systematic publication are now available for extensive research. Its aim is to analyse the change of legal procedure of a society in the midst of the process of feudalisation. To do so the work introduces a new method of the visualisation that allows for a detailed analysis of legal conflicts: The Wheel of Justice. The main body of the thesis is divided into three chapters that follow the inherent chronological order of court cases: Preludes, Trial and Resolution. In the first the work deals with dimensions - the place and the date as well as the necessary prearrangements for trials. The second part focuses on the trial itself: the composition of the tribunal and its attendees and the dynamics of the courts. This chapter pays special attention to judicial ordeals and duels in the practice of conflict resolution, as well as the abandonment of trials and their political, social and legal significance. Finally, the last chapter addresses new forms of resolution to highlight changes to the system. The thesis aims to provide new insight into the continuities and transformations that took place in Catalonia during this period, and what role the courts and the administrators of justice played as well as how these processes were narrated. ; [cat] Aquesta tesi doctoral presenta una anàlisi del procediment judicial a Catalunya entre els anys 950 i 1130. Els arxius catalans conserven un nombre excepcional de documents relacionats amb la justícia que gràcies a la publicació recent i sistemàtica ja estan disponibles per a una extensa investigació. El seu objectiu és analitzar el canvi de procediment legal d'una societat en ple procés de feudalització. Per fer-ho, el treball introdueix un nou mètode de visualització que permet fer una anàlisi detallada dels conflictes legals: la roda de la justícia. El cos principal de la tesi es divideix en tres capítols que segueixen l'ordre cronològic inherent dels casos judicials: preludis, judici i resolució. A la primera part, l'obra tracta de les dimensions: el lloc i la data, així com els prolegòmens necessaris per a les proves. La segona part se centra en el judici en si mateix: la composició del tribunal i els seus assistents i la dinàmica dels tribunals. Aquest capítol presta especial atenció a les proves i als duels judicials en la pràctica de la resolució de conflictes, així com a l'abandonament dels processos i la seva importància política, social i jurídica. Finalment, l'últim capítol tracta de noves formes de resolució per ressaltar els canvis al sistema. La tesi pretén donar una nova visió de les continuïtats i transformacions que es van produir a Catalunya durant aquest període, quin paper van tenir els tribunals i els administradors de justícia, així com la manera com es van narrar aquests processos.

TODAY'S CRISIS IN THE YUGOSLAV SOCIAL AND POLITICAL SYSTEM ORIGINATES IN COMMUNISM'S LOSS OF LEGITIMACY WHICH GRADUALLY LOST STRENGTH AND CRUMBLED. STATIST PATERNALISM IS IN CRISIS BECAUSE IT CAN NO LONGER ENSURE THAT MINIMUM OF SOCIAL STABILITY AND SECURITY THAT HAS MADE CENTRALIZED COMMUNIST RULE TOLERABLE. THIS ARTICLE EXPLORES TITO'S CHARISMATIC RULE, STATISM AND SELF-MANAGEMENT, THE NATIONAL QUESTION, AND ETHNIC SEPARATENESS AND THE ECONOMY; AND CONCLUDES WITH SOME BASIC PHILOSOPHICAL PRINCIPLES OF THE YUGOSLAV FEDERATION.

This book traces and conceptualises the changing notion of democracy and demonstrates how democracy promotion finds itself at the heart of contemporary international discourses and policies. Democracy promotion is widely considered to constitute a hypocritical and failed 'grand international narrative' of the 1990s and has allegedly been replaced by other, more pressing and academically more captivating concerns, such as conflict management, statebuilding and climate change. This book challenges this position and argues that the core notions of democracy promotion, such as empowerment, inclusion and responsiveness, are a key concern of contemporary international policymakers. Drawing on the work of Michel Foucault, Hannah Arendt as well as John Dewey, it investigates the notion of democracy and modality of its promotions through the policy fields of conflict management, statebuilding and climate change. The central development, the book observes, is the reconceptualisation of democracy from the constituted sphere of the public to the lived relations of the social. The book argues that the novel rationality of democracy and its promotion offers a particular solution to governing impasses in a world perceived to be globalised and complex, which accounts for democracy's current but neglected centrality.--

Abstrak - Sistem deteksi dini dan resolusi konflik merupakan upaya pencegahan dan respon dini terhadap konflik yang muncul di masyarakat. Sistem ini telah tercantum dalam Undang-Undang No. 12 Tahun 2012 tentang penanganan konflik. Pada 2013, di kabupaten Sumbawa terjadi konflik sosial antara suku Samawa dengan suku Bali. Penyebab konflik yakni adanya kesenjangan ekonomi yang kemudian memunculkan kecemburuan sosial oleh suku Samawa sebagai suku asli kepada suku pendatang yakni suku Bali. Konflik ini kemudian mengalami eskalasi pada 22 Januari 2013 yakni ketika munculnya kejanggalan di tubuh Arniati setelah mengalami kecelakaan bersama kekasihnya I Gede Eka yang berasal dari suku Bali. Kejadian ini kemudian memicu tindakan anarkis yang dilakukan oleh suku Samawa terhadap suku Bali dengan melakukan perusakan, pembakaran dan penjarahan. Konflik ini seharusnya tidak mengalami eskalasi apabila stakholders dapat menjalankan sistem deteksi dini konflik dengan optimal. Untuk itu, penelitian ini bertujuan menganalisa bagaimana implementasi sistem deteksi dini konflik oleh pemerintah daerah NTB dalam mencegah konflik sosial antara suku Samawa dengan suku Bali di Sumbawa pada 2013. Selain itu, dibahas juga mengenai faktor pendukung dan penghambat dalam implementasi sistem deteksi dini konflik tersebut. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah tidak optimalnya implementasi sistem deteksi dini konflik yang dilakukan oleh pemerintah daerah NTB dalam mencegah konflik sosial di Sumbawa pada 2013. Kata Kunci : Konflik sosial, Implementasi Kebijakan, Sistem Deteksi Dini dan Resolusi KonflikAbstract - Early warning and conflict resolution system is to detect and to respons the escalation of conflict that arise in the community. This system has been listed in the ministerial decree number 7 of 2012 regarding the handling of social conflicts. In 2013, in the district of Sumbawa has occured social conflicts between Samawa ethnic and Balinese ethnic. The causes of the conflict is economic inequality is felt by ethnic Samawa as the indigenous ethnic of Sumbawa againts ethnic Balinese as immigrant communities. Besides, this conflict escalated on January 22, 2013 when Arniati's family find irregularities in her body after she got an accident with his boyfriend, I Gede Eka as Balinese ethnic. This incident extends to anarchic acts conducted by ethnic Samawa. Therefore this conflict should not be escalated if stakholders can implement the early warning systems. This study aims to analyze how the implementation of an early warning conflicts system by NTB local governments to preventing social conflicts between ethnic Samawa and ethnic Balinese in Sumbawa in 2013. In addition, this research considerations about supporting and obstacles factors in the implementation of the system. The method used is qualitative. The results of this research shows the implementation of early warning and conflict resolution by NTB local government in tackling social conflict in Sumbawa did not run optimally. Keywords: Social Conflict, Policy Implementation, Conflict Early Warning and Conflict Resolution System

The present paper states that social work constitute at same time a political economy and a critical science. The presentation offers some alternative approaches to social work. Current social work faces resource inequality, vital inequality and existential inequality. These inequalities stem from structural and qualitative societal changes due to an aging population, long-term unemployment, globalization, technology developments, production advances, political conflicts as well as to individualization issues in the society. Consequently, social work's old research approaches and practical strategies are now ineffective. Social work faces a crisis and must endure a "paradigm shift" to return to its standard science practice. By means of a new paradigm, it is possible to arrive at a novel type of ontopraxeology, at a different ontological and practical understanding of social work, which per se is poor in emphasizing personal service along with its ethical and moral aspects. Problems may be simplified and targeted at individuals and families, at the same time when social and individual lives become more complex. Hereafter, social work must perceive itself as an economic factor as well as a societal resource with political characteristics. By solving conflicts and increasing trust, social work increases social capital and furthers equality.

This paper explores the complex roots and dimensions of the Niger Delta conflict which has escalated from ethnic minority protests against the federal Nigerian State-Oil Multinationals' alliance in the 1990's to the current insurgency that has attracted worldwide attention. It also raises some conceptual issues drawn from 'snapshots' taken from various perspectives in grappling with the complex roots of the oil- related conflict in the paradoxically oil-rich but impoverished region as an important step in a nuanced reading of the local, national and international ramifications of the conflict and its implications for Nigeria's development. The conflict is then located both in the struggle of ethnic minority groups for local autonomy and the control of their natural resources (including oil), and the contradictions spawned by the transnational production of oil in the region. The transition from resistance – as-protest – to insurgency, as represented by attacks on state and oil company targets by the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), is also critically analyzed.

Cover -- Contents -- Introduction -- Part I. Conceptualizing Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights: Dissolving Categories -- 1. Toward the Institutional Integration of the Core Human Rights Treaties -- 2. From Division to Integration: Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights as Basic Human Rights -- 3. Defending Women's Economic and Social Rights: Some Thoughts on Indivisibility and a New Standard of Equality -- Part II. Current Themes: Applying Cross-Cutting Analysis -- 4. Human Rights Mean Business: Broadening the Canadian Approach to Business and Human Rights -- 5. Feminism After the State: The Rise of the Market and the Future of Women's Rights -- 6. Advancing Safe Motherhood Through Human Rights -- 7. Canada's New Child Support Guidelines: Do They Fulfill Canada's International Law Obligations to Children? -- Part III. Giving Meaning: Protection and Justiciability of Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights -- 8. Implementing Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights: The Role of National Human Rights Institutions -- 9. Bringing Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights Home: Palestinians in Occupied East Jerusalem and Israel -- 10. The Maya Petition to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights: Indigenous Land and Resource Rights and the Conflict over Logging and Oil in Southern Belize -- Notes -- List of Contributors -- Index -- A -- B -- C -- D -- E -- F -- G -- H -- I -- J -- K -- L -- M -- N -- O -- P -- R -- S -- T -- U -- V -- W -- Y -- Z -- Acknowledgments.

Names such as Armor, Pettigrew, Glazer, Jencks, Herrnstein, Clark and Moynihan have not yet appeared in the pages of Ring magazine, but it seems only a matter of time. It is no secret, after all, that these men, all intellectual heavyweights, are engaged in an ongoing, fierce slugging match over a host of issues related to the "limits of social policy." Their verbal fisticuffs have been characterized by a good deal of fancy footwork, plenty of hard hitting, some low blows and inevitable cries of foul. For some time Public Interest was booking the best cards, but with more than 150 pages of its February, 1973, issue devoted to a detailed critique of Jencks's Inequality, it may be assumed that the Harvard Educational Review became, as it was during the Jensen brawl, the main arena of conflict. The bulk of recent attention was focused on the hard punching of Jencks's critics, but it would be a pity if the brilliant footwork of Kenneth Clark went unnoticed. His performance is simply remarkable.

This paper presents a study that seeks to items on the various legal reforms that have maximized the debate about the need for protection of women against violence suffered because of their gender. The question to be resolved by the law, as the legal system, is to determine which is the surest way to guarantee to protect women as subjects of law. This is particularly important when discussing transitional justice mechanisms such as Colombia, where the victims of sexual crimes constitute a large universe of women who have suffered particular forms of violence because of the actions of the actors in the internal armed conflict.