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NORWAY EXPERIENCES CONTINUOUS TENSION BETWEEN EXTERNAL PRESSURES AND INTERNALLY-GENERATED ASPIRATIONS. IN SECURITY POLICY, COMPROMISE SOFTENS THE COLLISION BETWEEN THE TWO FORCES. WHEN THE STORTING OR THE ELECTORATE DECIDES POLICY DIRECTLY, FOREIGN POLICY MAY BECOME THE NON-LOGICAL OUTCOME OF COMPLEX, UNDERLYING LINES OF DOMESTIC CONFLICT. A CORPORATIST PARTICIPATORY SYSTEM, COUPLED WITH EXTERNAL ECONOMIC DEPENDENCE, OFTEN MAKES ECONOMIC FOREIGN POLICY SALIENT. WHEN MINISTRIES ARE THE DECISIONAL LOCUS, INTEREST GROUPS OFTEN HAVE PRIVILEGED ACCESS. THE LABOR PARTY WILL CONTINUE TO PLAY A KEY ROLE IN FOREIGN POLICY-MAKING AS LONG AS IT BRIDGES THE MAIN FOREIGN POLICY CLEAVAGES. THE CONSERVATIVES AND EUROPEAN-ATLANTICISTS IN THE LABOR PARTY HAVE LED AN IMPLICIT AND DURABLE FOREIGN POLICY COALITION FUNDAMENTAL TO THE NATION. THE ISSUE OF MEMBERSHIP IN THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY REMAINS THE LARGEST CHALLENGE TO THEIR FUTURE POLICY-MAKING ROLE.

Taking the EU's hybrid foreign policy administration, the European External Action Service (EEAS) as a laboratory for study, this article examines the changing structures and processes of communication and coordination as well as various patterns of cooperation and conflict within the organization. Whereas research frequently focuses on foreign policy making at the national level and actors at the political level, I here want to zoom in on emerging practices and the role understanding of administrators within the EEAS in order to identify the dynamics and the consequences of organizational reform. In short, the article explores the emerging European diplomatic practices.
The argument starts from the assumption that new forms of transnational administrations provide the opportunity to re-combine diverse cultures stemming from different institutional origins, professional backgrounds, traditions, cognitive dispositions and behavioural logics, routines and 'ways of doing things'. The emphasis is put on how such processes unfold, and why the adaptation of and the emergence of new patterns of behaviour contribute, at the same time, to institutional innovation and ambivalence. This line of investigation may benefit our understanding of increasing fluidity and blurring of boundaries between the fields of international relations and public policy.
Empirically, the study draws on interview and survey data from EU foreign policy makers (Total N=232), and finds that despite institutional resilience and continuity, the confluence of and conflicts between diplomatic and organizational cultures leads to behavioural innovation as a result of the need to deal with ambiguities and to replace practices that have 'gone out of use'.
EU Foreign policy, EEAS, diplomacy, decision-making, organization, coordination, practices

An examination of, Right & Wrong in Foreign Policy (1966), a printed version of two Alan B. Plaunt memorial lectures delivered by James G. Eayrs at Carleton U in November 1965, contends that his message on morality in foreign policy still resonates today & provides a useful framework for assessing Canadian statecraft. Eayrs points out differences between realist & idealist traditions in the academic discipline of international relations. Difficulties with Eayrs's description of "practical idealism" are pointed out to suggest that "liberal realism" would be a more accurate way to characterize Eayrs's "middle way" between realism & idealism. It is noted that liberal realism dominated the thinking of Canadian diplomats/policymakers of the mid- to late 1960s, as well as Pierre Trudeau's approach to foreign policy. However, the slow shift away from liberal realism towards idealism that occurred in the 1970s had a "profoundly ironic effect on Canada's global diplomacy" which became less effective because of the failure to recognize the realities of power politics. J. Lindroth

Latin America is finally on the radar of Indian foreign policy-makers after decades of peripheral engagement with the region. While the China factor may have prompted this rethinking, India has its own pragmatic reasons to cultivate the Latin American countries. The reasons for Latin America's new gaze falling on India are equally compelling—the end of the Cold War, the decline in US influence in the region and the spread and consolidation of democracy. The combination of new factors has allowed the region to search for partnerships far beyond the region, particularly Asia. If India provides attractive markets for resource rich Latin America, India is looking for new markets and investment destinations to meet the demands of its fast-growing economy. If India has to match China's presence in Latin America, it will need to address various impediments like high tariffs, prohibitive transportation costs and other trade barriers.

Abstract
This paper, using examples from Turkish foreign policy between 2002 and 2014, argues that the fragmentation in foreign policymaking due to adopting different foreign policy ideas, that is, ideas of the elected leadership and the bureaucracy, is likely to generate competition between the state agencies that constitute the foreign policy bureaucracy. If there is backlash in the bureaucracy to realize the government's revisionist foreign policy goals, then the government aims to transform the bureaucracy by empowering certain small bureaucratic units, that is, missionary agencies. Once the degree of conflict between the government and the bureaucracy becomes severe, then the elected officials opt to work with the established bureaucratic agencies to speed up the decision-making processes. The analysis based on a series of interviews conducted with sixty-one Turkish foreign policymakers shows that the turf war in the foreign policy bureaucracy is a conceptual framework for comprehending how elected officials use bureaucratic tactics to undermine the involvement of bureaucrats in decision-making processes. Finally, the study contributes to current debates on populism and the presidentialization of foreign policy by showing that the foreign policy bureaucracy is not immune from the anti-elite, anti-establishment rhetoric of governments.

Frontmatter -- Contents -- Figures -- Tables -- Acknowledgments -- Foreign Policy and Economic Dependence -- 1. Introduction -- 2. International Economic Dependence -- 3. Foreign Policy Compliance -- 4. United States Economic Dependencies -- 5. Compliance in the General Assembly -- 6. Theoretical and Policy Implications -- Notes -- Index