Suchergebnisse

The purpose of this study is to examine the Miljenko Smoje's literary world. First of all I analyzed the particularities of Split, the city where the author lived all his life long. To better understand the mentality of the people living there I decided to follow three main paths: the historical, the geographical, and the cultural one. Infact without a deep comprehension of the culture it is even impossible to really understand the smojan work. I have focussed the attention on the concept of conflict, considered as a purposeful and inclusive attitude recognized not only in spalatian mentality, but even in all Mediterranean area. Then I described the history of spalatian dialectal literature since Marko Uvodić Splićanin till feralovci. This part of the study has been dedicated in particular to the poetics analysis of the considered authors. Finally I analyzed Miljenko Smoje's life and work, firstly across its biography and secondly by a careful study of the most important literary works such us Naše Malo misto (Our Little place) and Velo misto (Big place). In this last part of the study I wanted to demonstrate the importance of Smoje's work inside the cultural and literary develop not only of Split, but of Croatia and Yugoslavia in general, emphasizing and underling that the use of medias (newspapers and television) have contributed to the success of this author, very popular, but still really undiscovered and poorly studied by Croatian critics.

Рассматривая сложившуюся в XIX-XX веках ситуацию с изучением права в античном мире, автор отмечает, что по крайней мере со второй половины прошлого века становится актуальным раскрытие правовой ментальности и сущности права. Однако в каждой из этих областей возникают существенные трудности, так как недостаток текстов и проблемы их адекватного истолкования затрудняют получение достаточно полной картины эволюции правовой ментальности в античном мире. В статье намечены некоторые возможности для дальнейших поисков, в частности, показано, что продуктивным может оказаться исследование правовой ментальности через другие формы деятельности, получившие более полное отражение в античной литературе, например, военно-политической, так как организация армии и характер ведения боевых действий задействуют те же структуры ментальности, что и правовая сфера. ; Correlation of changes in the mentality of a given society and its legal consciousness is counted among the most salient problems that legal history has been facing since at least the second part of the 20th century. There are however considerable theoretical and practical difficulties in these areas, which involve a shift of interpretative paradigm as well as a new approach to the lamentable sparse sources. In these circumstances certain possibilities for further research can be found, for instance, in studying classical forms of legal consciousness as they are reflected in such forms of activities, as these abundantly presented in Greek and Roman military literature, since, obviously, military organization and the ways of warfare involve the structures and mentality, often parallel to these in the realm of law.

After the work accomplished by G. Le Bras and his disciples it is now possible to envisage a « history of religious mentalities in the modem Western world». The numerous investigations of retrospective sociology undertaken these last years call for a summing up to give them their full significance at the level of the collective mentality. But this collective mentality was — and still is — the product of the conflict and interpenetration of two cultures, the one predominating and the other more or less repressed. The researcher must always keep in mind this dialectical exchange between two worlds, and the religious facts of the past will be best apprehended by focusing on the gap between what was prescribed and what was actually experienced.
This key makes it possible to tackle the dechristianization question A correct evaluation can only be proposed on the basis of a study of Christianization which has not yet been undertaken. Thus few people have seen that the great moment for Western Christianization was not the Middle Ages but the « modern» period (16th to 18th centuries), beginning with the two Reforms which, in spite of their apparent rivalry, were in fact interdependent. The Christianization of this period had to depend on the State and practise a pedagogy of fear. Hence its gradual enfeeblement and the current decline of the model of Christian religion prevalent in the classical age.
Must it be concluded from this that Christianity, in its essence, always relates to this model ?

Despite the increasing tendency to relegate religion to the private sphere, the role of religion in public debate remains important and contested. Given the reality that these debates usually results in binding decisions that must be accepted by all groups, this paper engages the idea that perhaps the goal in a pluralistic society should not be to simply garner unanimous agreement or even the greatest consensus possible, but to ensure that decisions be seen by all members of a society as valid, whether or not they accord with individual or collective views. Arendt's theory of judgment holds that it is the use of the 'enlarged mentality', the consideration of others' perspectives, that allows judgment to be seen as valid by the judging subjects. Nedelsky, in turn, focuses on how this approach to judgment helps us theorize about the optimal role of religiously based argument in the public space. This paper examines what Nedelsky's theory may have to offer in the specific contexts of Canada and France. While these two jurisdictions have much in common, important distinctions emerge with respect to the challenges posed by religious diversity and what is driving the responses to these challenges. Through a comparative analysis, this paper begins by attempting to delineate the fundamental differences between the approaches of both countries to freedom of religion and religious diversity. An analysis is then undertaken with respect to the implications for both Canada's and France's capacities to engage a theory of judgment that uses the enlarged mentality to consider religious perspectives. The paper is organized as follows: firstly the legal systems, general text of the constitutions and how these relate to religion in society is compared; secondly the model of church and state relationship in both countries is examined; thirdly, the discussion is situated in the greater context of France's approach generally to the management of diversity; finally a comparative analysis of the content and delineation of freedom of religion in both jurisdictions is undertaken The study essentially concludes that France may be neither interested nor capable of including religious perspectives in its deliberations and in that respect the validity attained when the enlarged mentality is used in judgment may not be achievable. While the paper concludes that Nedelsky's judgment may be possible in Canada, the recent example of Muslim personal law (Sharia) in Ontario is used to illustrate that, despite all of the right conditions, political will is crucial if we are to follow through with the politically difficult decisions that follow from them.

Despite the increasing tendency to relegate religion to the private sphere, the role of religion in public debate remains important and contested. Given the reality that these debates usually results in binding decisions that must be accepted by all groups, this paper engages the idea that perhaps the goal in a pluralistic society should not be to simply garner unanimous agreement or even the greatest consensus possible, but to ensure that decisions be seen by all members of a society as valid, whether or not they accord with individual or collective views. Arendt's theory of judgment holds that it is the use of the 'enlarged mentality', the consideration of others' perspectives, that allows judgment to be seen as valid by the judging subjects. Nedelsky, in turn, focuses on how this approach to judgment helps us theorize about the optimal role of religiously based argument in the public space. This paper examines what Nedelsky's theory may have to offer in the specific contexts of Canada and France. While these two jurisdictions have much in common, important distinctions emerge with respect to the challenges posed by religious diversity and what is driving the responses to these challenges. Through a comparative analysis, this paper begins by attempting to delineate the fundamental differences between the approaches of both countries to freedom of religion and religious diversity. An analysis is then undertaken with respect to the implications for both Canada's and France's capacities to engage a theory of judgment that uses the enlarged mentality to consider religious perspectives. The paper is organized as follows: firstly the legal systems, general text of the constitutions and how these relate to religion in society is compared; secondly the model of church and state relationship in both countries is examined; thirdly, the discussion is situated in the greater context of France's approach generally to the management of diversity; finally a comparative analysis of the content and delineation of freedom of religion in both jurisdictions is undertaken The study essentially concludes that France may be neither interested nor capable of including religious perspectives in its deliberations and in that respect the validity attained when the enlarged mentality is used in judgment may not be achievable. While the paper concludes that Nedelsky's judgment may be possible in Canada, the recent example of Muslim personal law (Sharia) in Ontario is used to illustrate that, despite all of the right conditions, political will is crucial if we are to follow through with the politically difficult decisions that follow from them.

The social and legal experience of Ukrainian history convincingly confirms one of the main ideological guidelines: without a holistic, self-sufficient and purposeful ideology of state formation, built on spiritual and national priorities, our country is doomed to be an appendage of other states' policies. Only the awareness of our own national priorities and their implementation can ensure our state a dignified and full existence in the world community, turning it from an object into a full-fledged subject of international relations. The purpose of the article is to reveal the features of the ideological function in the legal system of Ukraine, based on its main purpose and objectives. It was found that the main goals and objectives of the ideological function in the legal system of Ukraine is to confirm its crucial role in the formation of a comprehensively developed personality with a high level of legal awareness and legal culture. Achieving this goal leads to the actualization of the social need for the realization of values and rights to democracy, equality before the law and the courts, civic duty and legality, especially in law enforcement, which is the main goal of the ideological function of law in public and state spheres. Therefore, given the realities of the Ukrainian legal system, at the present stage it is necessary to form an ideology of cooperation and dialogue between government and people, overcoming socio-legal alienation, as well as the alienation of the individual from the state and law. Ideological justification and additional legal protection should be given to the autonomy of the person. All these ideas and values must not only be proclaimed and defended ideologically, but also be enshrined in current Ukrainian legislation through the ideological functions of law.

The purpose of the article is to reveal the scientific-theoretical approaches to the classification of modern functions of Ukrainian law. The systemic social, political and economic transformations taking place in Ukraine determine the urgent need to reform the domestic legal system, which at the same time aims to ensure the implementation of law and order, through raising the level of justice, and to be able to properly interact with the legal systems of the leading European countries. In this process, the ideological function of law plays a leading role, as it is proved in the research, because it acts as a regulator of social relations and directly influences the increase of flexibility of the system of law in the direction of increasing its efficiency for overcoming the current social and legal challenges of the present. It is found that the classification (distribution) of the functions of the right to social and legal is losing its meaning. It can be stated that the functions of law, such as educational, economic and informational, are also special (legal) functions of law, which testifies to the change of relations between law and the state, that is, at the present stage of national state formation and legal formation there is an exemption of law from the state, which allows take a different look at the classification of law functions, and indicates a change in the functional characteristics of law. Therefore, taking into account the realities of the Ukrainian legal system, the most optimal classification of modern functions of Ukrainian law is their division according to the principle of fundamentality and branch of law (common to all branches of law), intersectoral (characteristic of two or more branches of law), sectoral (functions of a single branch) rights), institutional (refer to separate legal institutes), sub-institutional (fixed and implemented at the level of separate legal sub-institutes, which are derived from separate inter-sectoral and sectoral rights their institutions).

В статье анализируются материалы предвыборной агитационной кампании 2016, размещенные на страницах «Российской газеты» и «Областной газеты» (Екатеринбург). Основное внимание уделено текстам предвыборных программ партии власти «Единая Россия» и партии «Коммунисты России», впервые участвующей в выборах. Предмет анализа речевые средства выражения ценностных предпочтений. Электорат «Единой России» все граждане страны. Доказано, что в тексте программы стратегически задана ориентация на базовые ценности, неподвластные социальным катаклизмам. Выявлена внутритекстовая парадигма ментально специфических номинаций-интегрем, описаны отличающиеся человекоцентричностью аксиологические суждения и установки. Для лингвоаксиологической интерпретации выделены лексемы и формульные сочетания, семантика которых отражает приверженность партии идеям рыночной экономики. Специально исследуются речевые средства выражения идей, составляющих основу «новой философии» внешней политики. Доказано, что единицы советского лексикона используются по типу вкрапления, а стилистический облик агитационной кампании отличается доминированием аксиологического консерватизма, от которого демонстративно дистанцируется партия «Коммунисты России», противопоставляющая себя всем другим политическим силам. Электорат партии россияне, сохранившие верность сталинским принципам общественного устройства. В ходе анализа охарактеризованы опознавательные вербальные знаки политического языка советской эпохи, реализованные в тексте предвыборной программы, выявлена базовая оппозиция «капитализм социализм», отражающая биполярное восприятие мира средствами тоталитарного языка. Выделены грани идеологического радикализма советского образца: бескомпромиссность, признание единственно верным учения Ленина Сталина, открытое использование в агитационных целях образа врага, конструирование упрощенной модели текущего времени, устремленного в советское прошлое, идеологический примитивизм. ; The research data are the articles devoted to election propaganda of 2016 published in "Rossiyskaya Gazeta" and "Oblastnaya Gazeta" (Ekaterinburg). Main attention is paid to the texts of election programs of the ruling party "United Russia" and the party "Communists of Russia", the latter participates in the elections for the first time. The subject of the analysis is verbal means of expression of valuable preferences. The electorate of the "United Russia" are all citizens of the country. It is proved that the strategy of the program is based on the main values that are not affected by the social cataclysms. The textual paradigm of mentally specific nominations is revealed; human-centered axiological judgment and views are described. Lexemes and word-combinations, whose semantics reflects commitment of the party to the ideas of market economy are allocated for special lingo-axiological interpretation. The verbal means of expression of the ideas that form the basis of the "new philosophy" of foreign policy are analyzed. It is proved that the Soviet vocabulary units are used to add the election campaign certain stylistic coloring, which is characterized by axiological conservatism. The party "Communist Russia" tries to stay apart from it, instead it opposes itself to all the other political forces. Electorate of the party are the Russians who have remained faithful to the Stalin principles of a social system. During the analysis we characterized the identification verbal marks of political language of the Soviet era that appear in the text of the election program, we also revealed the basic opposition "capitalism socialism", reflecting bipolar perception of the world by means of totalitarian language. The types of ideological radicalism of the Soviet era are allocated: uncompromising stand, acceptance of Lenin Stalin ideology as the only truth, frequent use of the enemy image in the propaganda purposes, construction of the simplified model of the current time directed in the Soviet past and ideological primitivism.

Статья посвящена иммиграции в Японию, которая стала одной из острейших проблем во внутриполитической жизни страны. В течение долгого времени Япония строго контролировала въезжающих на свою территорию иностранцев, оставаясь закрытой для внешнего мира. В конце ХХ века в связи с резким сокращением численности населения и острой нехваткой трудовых ресурсов правительство Японии вынуждено было использовать иностранную рабочую силу. Сегодня перед Японией стоят два вопроса, на которые ей предстоит ответить: во-первых, представляет ли трудовая иммиграция угрозу безопасности страны? И, во-вторых, будет ли иммиграция включать неквалифицированных работников, или ограничится небольшой иммиграцией исключительно квалифицированных профессионалов? Предпринятые государством за последние годы меры по улучшению дел в иммиграционной сфере не дали значимого результата. ; The article deals with the immigration policy of Japan which has become a hot issue for the society. For a long time Japan has tightly controlled the ability of foreigners to live and work there, it was closed for the rest of the world. In the late twentieth century due to the sharp decrease of the population and an acute shortage of labor resources, the government of Japan was forced to use foreign labor. Nowadays Japan faces two important problems: the first is whether labor immigrants pose a threat to national security? And the second issue is whether immigration should include unskilled workers or be limited to small immigration of exclusively qualified professionals? Measures used by the state to improve the immigration situation have not brought evident results.

Отражены основные факторы формирования массового сознания советского общества в довоенный и военный период. Интенсивная подготовка населения к абстрактной войне «малой кровью и на чужой территории» обернулась колоссальными потерями и жертвами в реальном военном конфликте, в том числе среди мирного населения. Обществу на всех его уровнях весьма сложно было пережить столкновение с реальной ситуацией начала Великой Отечественной войны. После войны не произошло ожидаемой демократической трансформации советского тоталитарного режима даже в малой степени, но напротив, ужесточение репрессивной политики, поиск новых врагов, в частности, в лице бывших фронтовиков, привело к новым жертвам и стагнации общественного развития на долгие годы. ; The article describes the main factors of the formation of mass consciousness of Soviet society during the pre-war and war periods. Intensive preparation of the population for an abstract war with "little blood on the enemy's territory" resulted in huge sacrifices and enormous losses. The society in all strata had a great difficulty in surviving the encounter with the real situation at the beginning of the Great Patriotic War (second period of World War II). After the war the Soviet totalitarian regime did not follow the expected democratic transformation, even to a small degree, but on the contrary, further tightening of repressive policies took place. The search for new enemies, particularly among former soldiers led to new victims and stagnation of social development for many years. The factor of fear became decisive in the life of the Soviet society.

Рассматривается ограниченность предмета экономической теории в ее неоклассическом варианте и обосновывается объективная потребность «расширения» предмета за счет введения в него характеристики национальной социально-экономической системы. Экономическая теория должна лежать в основе социально-экономической политики, которая ищет варианты решения социально-экономических проблем (а не только использования ограниченных ресурсов) на базе учета культурных, социальных, правовых, экономических и политических аспектов. ; We consider the limitations of the economic theory subject in its newclassical form and the objective requirement of the subject «expansion» expense by means of the characteristic introduction in it national social and economic system locates. Economic theory should be the basis social and economic policy, which looks for versions of the of the social and economic problem solution (not just the use of limited resources) on the basis of cultural, social, legal, economic and political aspects.

Contenido Editorial. Artículos Las cofradías en la institución parroquial, siglos XVII-XVIII. Una aplicación al señorío episcopal de la Villa de Agüimes, Canarias (España). Cofradías in the parish institution, XVII-XVIII centuries. An application to the episcopal dominion of Villa de Agüimes, Canary Islands (Spain). Castro Pérez, Candelaria; Calvo Cruz, Mercedes y Granado Suárez, Sonia La presencia de Venezuela en la cultura italiana de fines del siglo XVIII.The presence of Venezuela in Italian culture of the late eighteenth century. Fajardo, José del Rey Separatismo y anexionismo en el Zulia, siglo XIX (Venezuela). Separatism and annexation in nineteenth century Zulia (Venezuela). Urdaneta Quintero, Arlene Cosificación y sumisión en el trabajo contemporáneo. Objectivication and submission in contemporary work. Barrios Graziani, Leticia Blanco seguro: el maltrato a los esclavos en Cartagena y Mompox durante el siglo XVIII. Munive Contreras, Moises Fernand Braudel: limitaciones ontológicas de sus categorizaciones históricas. Fernand Braudel: ontological limitations of his historical categorizations. Barragan Abreu, Oscar J. Luis Jerónimo Alfonso: cristiano y liberal-demócrata del siglo XIX venezolano.Luis Alfonso Jerome: christian and liberal democrat nineteenth century Venezuelan. Ruíz Chataing, David Universidad y globalización. University and globalization. Bustos F., Carlos E. El trabajo compulsivo en los caminos y obras públicas de la Mérida colonial. Compulsive work on the roads and public works of the colonial Merida. Rivero H., Yanixa R. América Latina post 11/9/2001: estado anómico y seguridad. Latin America post 11/9 2001: anomic state and security. Carrero Mora, Ricaurte Bohanerges Publicaciones periódicas en el ambiente intelectual en la Mérida de entre siglos.Periodic publications in the intellectual environment of Mérida between centuries. Calderón Trejo, Eligia Historia de la Universidad de Los Andes Génesis histórica de la Universidad de Los Andes - Venezuela. Del colegio San Francisco de Mérida (1628) a las contituciones del colegio fundado por Fray Juan Ramos de Lora (1785). Historic origin of the University of Los Andes, Venezuela. From Saint Francis school of Mérida (1628) to the establishment of the school founded by Brother Ramos de Lora (1785). Mora García, José Pascual Micro Historia de un fracaso: el Instituto de de Psicosíntesis y Relaciones Humanas de la Universidad de Los Andes (Venezuela), 1952-1954. The Micro-History of a failure: the Institute of Psychosynthesis and Human Relations of the Universidad de los Andes (Venezuela), 1952-1954. Camacho, Cristián Reseñas Ana Viña Brito: "La carta del perdón de cuernos" en la documentación notarial canaria del siglo XVI", revista de história Canaria, 187 (La Lengua-Tenerife, 2005), págs. 263-272. Rodríguez Lorenzo, Miguel Ángel Vallés Chordá, Andrés: "La sociedad de concierto de Sevilla", Figaro, 26 (Sevilla, junio 2006), págs. 8-11. Rodríguez Lorenzo, Miguel Ángel Eventos Congreso centroamericano de historia. Universidad de Costa Rica, escuela de historia. Centro de Investigaciones de América Central (CIHAC). Postgrado centroamericano de historia. 21 al 25 de julio de 2008. Índices donde se reseñan los artículos de la revista procesos históricos, bibliotecas y bases de datos que la registran. ; 193-212 ; pascualmora@cantv.net ; semestral ; Nivel analítico

Автор рассматривает проблему придания развитию экономики России инновационного характера и ухода от ее традиционного характера, во многом связанного с остатками азиатского способа производства. Он подчеркивает, что правителями Древней Руси, Российской империи, СССР и постсоветской России неоднократно предпринимались попытки перехода на путь инноваций и рационализма. Однако в силу объективных и субъективных причин они не приводили к постоянному, желаемому и устойчивому результату.Переходу на путь инноваций мешали заимствованные и прижившиеся в России черты управления, присущие Древнему Востоку, а позднее Византии. Они обретали сначала восточнославянский и великорусский, а затем российский и советский традиционный характер. Менялся характер управления Россией, а традиционные черты, присущие российскому культурно-историческому типу, переходили из одного этапа его развития в другой.По мнению автора, российской цивилизации по-прежнему присущи такие традиционные черты, как чувственно-созерцательное восприятие окружающего мира и реальной действительности, жизнь во имя Бога, Правителя и Государства, вера в справедливое решение вышестоящей властью всех вопросов и их слепое выполнение, склонность в политическом устройстве к единодержавию и т.д.Без преодоления сохраняющихся традиционных черт Россия не избавится от негативных явлений в экономике, политике, культуре и менталитете людей. На рубеже ХХ-XXI столетий определились положительные тенденции, свидетельствующие о демократизации российской государственности, предпринимаются попытки перехода от традиционной к инновационной экономике. Однако главное, по мнению автора, заключается в том, чтобы принятые решения реализовывались правящими кругами, обществом, а главное каждым гражданином. Для этого необходимо развивать демократические начала, добиваясь их добровольного восприятия большей частью населения, совершенствовать правовую культуру и продолжать равноправный диалог с другими мировыми культурно-историческими общностями. ; The author considers the problem of making the development of Russia's economy innovative, abandoning its traditional character, largely associated with the remnants of the Asiatic mode of production. He emphasizes that the rulers of Ancient Russia, the Russian Empire, the USSR and post-Soviet Russia have repeatedly attempted to go on the path of innovation and rationalism. However, due to objective and subjective reasons, they did not lead to a permanent, desired and sustainable result.Transition towards innovation was hampered by features of control inherent in the Ancient East, and later Byzantium that were borrowed and took root in Russia. They gained first East Slavic and great Russian, and then Soviet and Russian traditional character. The nature of management in Russia was changing, and the traditional characteristics of the Russian cultural-historical type, transferred from one stage of development to another.According to the author, the Russian civilization is still characterized by traditional features such as sensuously contemplative perception of the world and reality, life in the name of God, the Ruler and the State, the belief in a justdecision of all questions by the higher authorities, and their obedient execution, the tendency to autocracy in the political system, etc.Without overcoming the existing traditional features Russia will not get rid of the negative phenomena in the economy, politics, culture and mentality of people. At the turn of XX-XXI centuries there appeared positive trends indicating the democratization of Russian statehood, attempts are being made to transfer from traditional to innovative economy. But most important, according to the author, is the fact that the decisions should be implemented by the ruling circles of society, and also most significant by every citizen. For this purpose it is necessary to develop democratic principles, seeking their voluntary perception of the majority of the population, improve the legal culture and continue equal dialogue with other world cultural and historical communities.

The Great Depression was a time of severe hardship, especially in the United States. With a quarter of the population out of work, families struggled to survive, obsessively saving money, food, and material to reuse or recycle. This "Depression mentality" stuck with many people for the rest of their lives. Supplemented by historical photographs, annotated quotes, and a fact-filled timeline, this engaging narrative discusses the causes and lingering effects of the Great Depression. Discussion questions at the end of each chapter encourage readers to think critically about this period and how it has impacted the world they live in today.

"For a very long period of human history, direct physical violence used to be one of the main means of obtaining power, wealth, and prestige, as well as social control, socialization of children and regulation of social relations. Human societies were also developing various ways of controlling and curtailing direct violence, primarily the in-group one. Major changes in the social functions of violence were associated with the development of liberal thought and liberal institutions - the free market and the democratic political system. Liberal culture and liberal mentality have delegitimized all kinds of physical violence, except as defence of human rights and freedoms"--