Suchergebnisse

The processes of competition and cooperation have frequently been discussed as sport specific states which have not been linked to the larger sociocultural context in which they are found. Thus, beyond the behavioural manifestations of competition and cooperation as task states, the meanings and definitions of each will vary to quite a degree by culture. The purpose of this paper is to: 1) briefly review the major orientations to competition and cooperation, 2) present an analysis of the nature and form of each which emerge in a specific culture — the Navaho Indian culture of the southwestern United States; and 3) draw from this data in order to present an alternate theoretical framework which can link the processes to various cultural dimensions. At this point in the analysis several trends are apparent. Current discussions of competition and cooperation present quasistatic, uni-dimensional conceptuali zations of the processes as they exist in the sport setting. Specificailly, many current conceptualizations do not account for the antecedent meanings and perceived consequences of competition and cooperation in a culture. Each of these factors will affect the way in which the processes become expressed in a game context. Secondly, the specific form which competition and cooperation take in a culture seems to be closely tied to the nature of the relationship and respon sibility of the individual to the group. Each of these points will receive further elaboration utilizing specific data from the context of sport in Navaho society.

The public agenda is an ecosystem in which public issues interact and compete to gain public attention. Whether this ecosystem is primarily competitive or cooperative is an unsettled question in the literature on agenda-setting. This study employs an ecological approach to explicate interissue relationships. It quantifies the nature and evolution of the issue ecosystem and examines the roles of the value orientations of issues and of individuals' education levels and political partisanship in interissue relationships. The study compiled and analyzed the Gallup Most Important Problem polls in the United States from 1958 to 2020. The findings indicate that the issue ecosystem of the American public is essentially competitive and that the balance of competition and cooperation has remained unchanged over time. The interaction between public issues involving materialistic values was more likely to be competitive and the interaction between issues involving postmaterialistic values was more likely to be cooperative.

European intelligence cooperation is the most important weapon in the
fight against the new threats in the 27 member states. The article emphasizes
the reasons that make the European Union Intelligence Analysis Centre (INTCEN)
more towards an independent operational agency into the European mechanism as
well as the roles of the Intelligence College of Europe founded in France and
the European Intelligence Academy established under the auspices of the
Research Institute for European and American Studies (RIEAS) in Athens, Greece.
Even though, effective intelligence cooperation is hard to achieve even at the
national level as different services compete for resources and attention from
the decision makers, past terrorist incidents in Europe served as a wake up for
the public and private institutions to promote intelligence sharing and
cooperation among European Union institutions and Member States.

This article argues that regional security cooperation in South-East Asia, mainly promoted by the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), is a response to China´s economic rise. Although China is not regarded as a military challenge, Beijing's ascension threatens to undermine the regional balance of power. The emerging insecurities threaten the stability of the regimes whose power is based on output legitimacy. Cooperation, the thesis states, can reduce these uncertainties. Yet, whereas collaboration in the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) offers Beijing incentives for the strengthening of its "enlightened" multilateralism, regional cooperation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) will not change China's behaviour. The reason is that this cooperation is based on Realpolitik motives. Offensive Realism seems therefore well suited to analyse the Central Asian power relations. Even though the dimension of cooperation has not been included in John Mearsheimer's approach, this article demonstrates that it can conceptually be integrated into offensive Realism without contradicting its core theses. For this, however, its adherents must accept two assumptions: First, that the domestic political logic – in case of Beijing the output legitimacy of the Communist Party – must be integrated. Second, that there exists no automatism in international politics. Otherwise one would have to speak of the tragic of offensive Realism: Policies, based on this perception, does not offer China suffi cient incentives to further pursue multilateralism.

In the post-Soviet period, Central Asia has lost the cohesiveness it had in the Soviet period. The states of the region have since been seeking outward linkages to pursue their economic and security interests. In the process, the relation between the Central Asian countries weakened and, in some cases, became adversarial. The nation-building process undertaken by the national leaders alienated ethnic minorities and neighbouring states. As a result, the regional mechanisms or organizations that have come up in the region are led or initiated by powers such as Russia, China and the USA. The competing interests of these powers have not helped in promoting cooperation among the Central Asia countries though some of these organizations are useful for member states. However, a new trend is visible since 2016 when a new leader became president in Uzbekistan. Improved bilateral relations and summits of leaders of the region create hope for a new regionalism in Central Asia that is based on the internal cooperative dynamics within the region. This may not replace the already existing mechanisms or organizations. However, the process itself is conducive for intra-regional cooperation and would be helpful in keeping the region free from the geopolitical competition of external powers.

The relevance of the problems of cooperative construction in the formation of Belarusian scientific schools is determined. The role of the Belarusian State University in the development of problems of cooperation in the 1920s is characterised. The activity of S. L. Pevsner as a representative of the economic thought of the 1920s is studied. In the perspective of «history through personality», the problems of the formation of the personnel potential of Belarusian State University are revealed. The relations between the management and the teaching staff of the university, the status and issues of material well-being of teachers invited to Belarusian State University are characterised. The conclusion is made about a significant personnel shortage and the presence of serious competition in the personnel sphere of university science in the 1920s with the development of higher education in the USSR.

To date, USA has not designed a policy to deal with Afghanistan and Iraq without Iran. One of the fundamental strategies of USA is to cooperate with the European Union, the Pacific, Russia, the Balkan Area, as well as the Caucasus the Middle East, North Africa, and Middle Asia. All of the countries relate to Iran in saving the Pacific. Iran is the most influential country in the area surrounding Afghanistan, the Middle East, and Northern Africa and Middle Asia. USA has to face Iran in the Middle East to meet the benefits of this relation. Therefore, such situation leads to the main question: does the attendance of USA in Afghanistan create the grounds for cooperation with Iran? Despite the existing disputes between the two governments, the attendance of USA in Afghanistan seems to have created new security, political, economic, and cultural fields for the cooperation of both countries.