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Introduction. The article is devoted to the analysis of objects discovered during the excavation of the "Kamennaya mogila" (Stone Grave) kurgan on Medovaya mountain (southern outskirts of Zheleznovodsk). Methods and materials. The comparative typological method was used as a worker. It is based on classification by material, processing method, shape, ornamentation, as well as on the study of types of gold jewelry, glass and black-glazed dishes, bronze horse plate foreheads and cheek pads, etc. Analysis. The typological and chronological analysis was carried out on gold jewelry (plaques, rings, pendants), antique ceramic and glassware, items of horse dress and weapons. Analogies to imported items from the crypt, found in the monuments of ancient culture and in the burials of the barbarian nobility, allow them to be dated to the 4th – 2nd centuries BC. Items of equestrian dress and weapons date back to the 3rd – 2nd centuries BC. Results. The author, regarding the social structure of the local population, ranked the monument as stratum No. 2 (nobility of the first level). A complex burial structure of the tomb with a significant number of ritual offerings is recorded. Burial items have numerous analogies in the status burials of the Bosporan, Meotian and Scythian nobility of the Northern Black Sea region and the North Caucasus of the 4 th – 2nd centuries BC. The sophisticated frame structure of the horse harness made of iron parts from the crypt of the Stone Grave is unique. Only a member of the nobility with a very high status could afford such a special bridle as a ritual offering.

Abstract
Contemporary queerbaiting is a historically situated phenomenon that in significant ways parallels reactions to nineteenth-century legal-medical discourse on the nature of homosexuality, and the subsequent punishment of it through enforcement of sodomy laws and/or blackmail against (primarily) gay men. In the twentieth century, movie and TV morality codes enacted a parallel dynamic of enforcement and punishment, at first with the banning of any mention of homosexuality altogether. Later, as codes relaxed and homosexuality became visible on-screen, film and TV moved from silencing to punishing, with the tendency kill queer characters or otherwise present them as miserable and morally compromised. The 'bury your gays' (BYG) trope, a phenomenon adjacent to queerbaiting, developed out of these decades of the enforcement-punishment dynamic and continues even decades after the codes lost sway. In contemporary television, where queerness is no longer entirely taboo, queerbaiting often gives way to canon queer characters, who are still killed at vastly disproportionate rates compared with their heterosexual counterparts. The fandom of one such character – Lexa, killed off from the American CW network's series The 100 in March 2016 – brought the dual problems of queerbaiting and BYG into the open via a series of unprecedentedly well-coordinated media actions that have, perhaps, led TV writers to rethink how they present their queer characters in the context of socially aware, interactive audiences.

Abstract
This article examines the coronavirus counter-measures adopted by East African states from a legal perspective. The focus is whether the adopted measures infringe on the provisions of the Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community (EAC) and domestic legislations, including the countries' constitutional provisions. The legal recourse for East African citizens in instances where domestic remedies have failed will be examined in light of the role of the judicial organ of the East African Community, the East African Court of Justice (EACJ). An examination will be made on protection of human rights under the EAC Treaty and the jurisdiction of the EACJ in adjudicating on allegations of human rights violation. This contribution will proceed to debate on the existing relationship between international law and domestic laws; whether international law is superior to domestic law and whether international bodies can entertain a complaint by an individual or an institution on violation of human rights where redress has not been exhaustively sought through domestic legal systems.

Politicians often mention immigration enforcement, and deportation in particular, as a means to assert state sovereignty. The scholarship on deportation in philosophy and political anthropology also names exclusion as a founding act of sovereignty. This paper looks at deportation through an event that is interpreted as regaining sovereignty by a State, that is exiting a supra-national political organization, namely the European Union. New immigration regulations in the UK are meant to end the EU Freedom of Movement and equalise the statuses of EU- and non-EU migrants in the UK. The research question this working paper addresses is the following: how will the new immigration regulations and policies affect the possibility of deportations of EU citizens in the UK? With the lens of Interpretive Policy Analysis, the working paper analyses primary sources, such as regulations, policy papers and policy implementation guidelines as well as expert interviews with immigration advisors. It concludes that the deportability of EU citizens will increase. Deportability of EU citizens will be differentiated, as rough sleepers, former convicts and irregular migrants may be first to be targeted with deportation and form a new deportspora.

Although testamentary freedom is an important principle in succession law, legislators and judges across the world have recognized the importance of certain family members by granting them mandatory claims in the inheritance of their deceased relative (in spite of wishes of the deceased). This article focuses on these rights. The goal is to introduce the Dutch framework of imperative succession law and to demonstrate the possibilities of combining the legal and economic discipline to deepen knowledge on these provisions. Whilst examples will focus upon succession law, the concepts will be described in a general manner. This might inspire researchers to apply a similar interdisciplinary approach in other fields of law. The imperative provisions that currently exist for family members in the Netherlands can be divided into two types of claims. The first is the legitime, a fixed claim for children of the deceased. The second type are the other statutory entitlements that cover a specified range of situations in which judges have freedom in deciding upon the requests of family members. However, this discretion raises many questions on the way judges should handle such claims. A combination of law and economics can aid in describing and interpreting the law, for example by defining the need for support that is often required for a successful claim. By relying on economic data and theory, judges can come to a more consistent and substantiated way of establishing the need for support. The interdisciplinary methodology can also improve comparative legal research. The functional approach that is common in comparative legal research, assumes that law fulfills certain functions. Economic figures provide an objective basis that demonstrates what functions a law fulfills and to what extent this is done efficiently. This information can be used to compare the functioning of laws in different countries.

Der vorliegende Beitrag bemüht sich um eine institutionalistische Perspektive auf den subordinationsrechtlichen Status des Klienten bzw. der Klientin im Rechtskreis des SGB II, indem er den Verwaltungsvertrag Eingliederungsvereinbarung, über den die Integration des Klienten bzw. der Klientin in den Arbeitsmark gesteuert werden soll, als ein Regulationssystem im New Public Contracting begreift. Aus dieser Perspektive gilt der subordinationsrechtliche Status des Klienten bzw. der Klientin als konstitutiver Bestandteil eines doppelgleisigen Regulationssystems, das aus einem administrativen Vertragsrahmen aus Zielvereinbarungen und aus einer Sozialvertragsbeziehung0 zwischen Behörde und Klienten bzw. Klientin besteht. In der Interaktion zwischen Integrationsfachkraft und Klient bzw. Klientin treffen somit Erwartungen aus zwei unterschiedlichen Verwaltungskontexten aufeinander, die bei der gemeinsamen Auswahl einer Eingliederungsleistung zur Deckung gebracht werden müssen. Dabei muss sichergestellt sein, dass die administrative Zielsetzung nicht aus dem Blick gerät und auch notfalls gegen die Einwilligung des Klienten bzw. der Klientin an diesen bzw. diese adressiert werden kann.

Human rights are almost inseparable from the contemporary common-sense notion of civilization as a morally superior state of human society. In this article I argue that they are equally central to the concept of civilization as a reversible process of increasing social interdependence and cohesion as theorized by Norbert Elias. However, according to the theoretical statement included in the introduction to this special issue, the civilizing effect of human rights is accompanied by their inseparable decivilizing potential. Which of the two will be the stronger in any state of global human figuration depends on two principal factors: the resilience of human interdependencies (especially the prospects of widening the circles of intergroup identification) and the strength of centrifugal forces in the figuration, constituting a reduction of integrative effects of human rights and increasing their disintegrative influence. By tracing the emergence of global legal governance of abortion within the framework of human rights, I focus specifically on one aspect of it that is crucial for the interconnection of civilizing and decivilizing effects in this case: the status of the right to abortion law between women's rights and human rights, and, by extension, the relationship between women's rights and human rights in general. Drawing on the much-cited work of Norbert Elias and John L. Scotson, I the established-outsiders dynamics behind the old debate on whether women's rights are human rights or not, the consequences of which keep reverberating until today.

In all countries under consideration, legal regulation of proprietary relationships is a reflection of the current level of social and economic development of these states, as well as of the objective necessity of including certain proprietary legal institutions into the system of rights for things: • the process of civil legislation reformation in Brazil and China, in so far as it relates to the institutions of the right of ownership and limited proprietary rights, is acceptable to be admitted as generally successful and meeting the stated objectives. The proprietary legislation of the Republic of South Africa is marked by high stability; • in spite of being based on Roman-Dutch proprietary rights legal institutions, the law of South Africa receives the required development due to the judges' interpretative activity in the process of creating case laws. Such situation is determined by the fact that during the period of English rule the Republic of South Africa adopted the type of judicial system organization and activity common for the common law countries;• the improvement of legal systems, as well as the unification and harmonization of national legislations of China, Brazil and the Republic of South Africa, ensures the creation of a unified approach to social and political, and legal interaction, which ensures compliance with the private law and proprietary rights as the basic rights of democratic societies oriented to sustainable social and economic development. © 2016, ASERS Publishing House. All rights reserved.

Regions, rich in energy resources, continue to be of crucial interest for our carbon-powered world. There are numerous things at stake to begin with, from international legal status, ownership rights, energy routes, transit corridors, state and corporate interests, environmental hazards and the overall puzzle of energy diplomacy. Additionally, Caspian is troubled with its own specific set of complexities that are listed in this work. They range from the undefined legal status, territorial disputes, ethnic instabilities and vicinity to other hot spots, such as the turmoil Middle East and the more recently sparked conflict in Ukraine. Besides the current and ongoing political, legal and security concerns, another layer of complexity represents the recent economic crisis and the steep fall in global energy prices. Caspian is already experiencing the negative effects of these trends, not to forget the implications of the crisis in the Russian Federation's economic and currency sectors and the overall decline of investments in the region over the past two years. In addition to recouping the losses from energy trade, important consequence will therefore be a much tougher competition to attract investments in the future, inevitably resulting in greater concessions made on the invested side which is likely to impact regional stability. Because of its geographical setting, the Caspian is also of central interest for the European energy security, although the supply chain from the region has been traditionally kept under Russian Federation control. However, for the past decade or so, the EU is becoming increasingly ambitious in planning Caspian pipelines that exclude Russian Federation's territory and the Nabucco Pipeline project was in the centre of these strategic efforts for a considerable amount of time. The Caspian is therefore also at a crossroads between grand and conflicting energy interests of Russian Federation and the Western Europe.

The Co-operative Societies Act 1978 was brought into force twenty years ago, on the 16th Apri 1979. This Act incorporates most of the rules that regulate co-operatives in Malta and it replaced an earlier law, the Co-operative Societies Ordinance 1946, which had been adopted on the 8th July 1946. There are today about forty-two active co-operatives in operation. ; peer-reviewed

The theme of this work is the tripartite partnership as an instrument enabling representatives of social partners to participate on the basis of parity with representatives of public authority in discussions relevant to labour law problems, and especially tripartite agreements as an instrument to reach acceptable to all parties decisions. The purpose of this work is to analyse the legal regulation, trends, practice of making and fulfilling such agreements, to clarify the gaps of the legislation of Lithuania, problems and find the way out of existing situation. The national laws of Lithuania, which regulate the tripartite social dialogue and tripartite agreements, in general correspond to the stipulation of the international legislation. Despite that, in Lithuania tripartite partnership acts only on the national level, because there are only few territorial level tripartite institutions and there are no one agreement or institution at a branch level. Tripartite agreements in fact do not execute its purpose to warrant a social peace, resolve collective bargaining of employees whereby their right to strike is limited or prohibited, take part in legislation procedure. It shall be indicated the problem of legal status of tripartite agreements – they are not binding even upon the parties. There are more problems – insufficient activity of social partners, there are no good will to seek compromise, negotiators have no proper qualifications to obtain effective dialogue. In order to solve these problems it would be useful to arrange special training programmes, reorganize the existing structure of tripartite institutions, to fix up that tripartite agreements are binding upon the parties and institutions whom this tripartite agreements are directed to have to entertain a proposal. It can be noted that Lithuania has chosen the way of social dialogue and in the future the effective tripartite social partnership will be successfully developed.

The theme of this work is the tripartite partnership as an instrument enabling representatives of social partners to participate on the basis of parity with representatives of public authority in discussions relevant to labour law problems, and especially tripartite agreements as an instrument to reach acceptable to all parties decisions. The purpose of this work is to analyse the legal regulation, trends, practice of making and fulfilling such agreements, to clarify the gaps of the legislation of Lithuania, problems and find the way out of existing situation. The national laws of Lithuania, which regulate the tripartite social dialogue and tripartite agreements, in general correspond to the stipulation of the international legislation. Despite that, in Lithuania tripartite partnership acts only on the national level, because there are only few territorial level tripartite institutions and there are no one agreement or institution at a branch level. Tripartite agreements in fact do not execute its purpose to warrant a social peace, resolve collective bargaining of employees whereby their right to strike is limited or prohibited, take part in legislation procedure. It shall be indicated the problem of legal status of tripartite agreements – they are not binding even upon the parties. There are more problems – insufficient activity of social partners, there are no good will to seek compromise, negotiators have no proper qualifications to obtain effective dialogue. In order to solve these problems it would be useful to arrange special training programmes, reorganize the existing structure of tripartite institutions, to fix up that tripartite agreements are binding upon the parties and institutions whom this tripartite agreements are directed to have to entertain a proposal. It can be noted that Lithuania has chosen the way of social dialogue and in the future the effective tripartite social partnership will be successfully developed.

The theme of this work is the tripartite partnership as an instrument enabling representatives of social partners to participate on the basis of parity with representatives of public authority in discussions relevant to labour law problems, and especially tripartite agreements as an instrument to reach acceptable to all parties decisions. The purpose of this work is to analyse the legal regulation, trends, practice of making and fulfilling such agreements, to clarify the gaps of the legislation of Lithuania, problems and find the way out of existing situation. The national laws of Lithuania, which regulate the tripartite social dialogue and tripartite agreements, in general correspond to the stipulation of the international legislation. Despite that, in Lithuania tripartite partnership acts only on the national level, because there are only few territorial level tripartite institutions and there are no one agreement or institution at a branch level. Tripartite agreements in fact do not execute its purpose to warrant a social peace, resolve collective bargaining of employees whereby their right to strike is limited or prohibited, take part in legislation procedure. It shall be indicated the problem of legal status of tripartite agreements – they are not binding even upon the parties. There are more problems – insufficient activity of social partners, there are no good will to seek compromise, negotiators have no proper qualifications to obtain effective dialogue. In order to solve these problems it would be useful to arrange special training programmes, reorganize the existing structure of tripartite institutions, to fix up that tripartite agreements are binding upon the parties and institutions whom this tripartite agreements are directed to have to entertain a proposal. It can be noted that Lithuania has chosen the way of social dialogue and in the future the effective tripartite social partnership will be successfully developed.

The theme of this work is the tripartite partnership as an instrument enabling representatives of social partners to participate on the basis of parity with representatives of public authority in discussions relevant to labour law problems, and especially tripartite agreements as an instrument to reach acceptable to all parties decisions. The purpose of this work is to analyse the legal regulation, trends, practice of making and fulfilling such agreements, to clarify the gaps of the legislation of Lithuania, problems and find the way out of existing situation. The national laws of Lithuania, which regulate the tripartite social dialogue and tripartite agreements, in general correspond to the stipulation of the international legislation. Despite that, in Lithuania tripartite partnership acts only on the national level, because there are only few territorial level tripartite institutions and there are no one agreement or institution at a branch level. Tripartite agreements in fact do not execute its purpose to warrant a social peace, resolve collective bargaining of employees whereby their right to strike is limited or prohibited, take part in legislation procedure. It shall be indicated the problem of legal status of tripartite agreements – they are not binding even upon the parties. There are more problems – insufficient activity of social partners, there are no good will to seek compromise, negotiators have no proper qualifications to obtain effective dialogue. In order to solve these problems it would be useful to arrange special training programmes, reorganize the existing structure of tripartite institutions, to fix up that tripartite agreements are binding upon the parties and institutions whom this tripartite agreements are directed to have to entertain a proposal. It can be noted that Lithuania has chosen the way of social dialogue and in the future the effective tripartite social partnership will be successfully developed.