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In this paper, I address the current debates around ethnography and propose a critical feminist ethnography which depends on the alternative narrative strategies suggested by experimental ethnography and the conceptual achievements offered by feminist standpoint epistemology and minor discourse theory. I argue, as have others, that the traditional scientistic-narrativc techniques associated with ethnography actively constrain theoretical knowledges, mystify power relations embedded in the text, while constructing Authorities with totalizing and omniscient vision. Experimental ethnography offers important textual interventions and revisions which challenge the orderliness and constructed Authorities imposed by realist narratives useful for those feminist projects which attempt to deal with the multiplicity of differences/domination. Postmodern feminist standpoint epistemology and minor discourse theory are concerned with recovering and representing historically repressed local knowledges and visions in ways that do not simply translate them into or through dominant critical/feminist theories. Such projects require ongoing critical dialogue among local voices, theory, and the ethnographer in which what counts as knowledge remains contestable and is contested. I argue that textual constructions of such projects must remain heteroglossic (representing multiple visions to readers) in order to potentially revise critical/feminist theory and practice.

Fleet mix planning in the U.S. Coast Guard involves determining a combination of naval assets best suited to meet the Coast Guard's future mission requirements while satisfying various resource constraints. In this paper, I describe the problem, and present and discuss certain challenges it raises in the field of decision support systems (DSS). The fleet mix planning problem is fairly unstructured, has a long-term planning horizon and impact, and there is uncertainty about future mission objectives and demand for the fleet's services. As such, I believe, it is a classical application suited to the use of DSS technology, according to accepted definitions of a DSS. However, an examination of DSS theory and technology reveals that current DSS theories and implementations do not adequately address this problem. Thus, the fleet mix planning problem raises several research challenges in the design and implementation of decision support systems. In this paper, I discuss the problem and these challenges in detail, and propose that fleet mix planning could be a useful benchmark problem for DSS ; Naval Postgraduate School, Monterey, CA ; http://archive.org/details/fleetmixplanning00bhar ; O&MN, Direct Funding ; NA ; Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.

Analyse der agrar- und innenpolitischen Folgen der Revolution Sankaras zwischen 1984 und 1987. Auf ausführlichem historischen Fundament beschreibt der Autor den Interessengegensatz zwischen Bauern und Staat, die in den kontraproduktiven interventionistischen Agrarstrategien zum Ausdruck kam. Das "Umpolen" von 'urban bias' auf 'rural bias' entzog Sankara die notwendige administrative Unterstützung zur Durchführung der Revolution, und diese war somit zum Scheitern verurteilt. (DÜI-Sth)

THE LIMITS OF POLITICAL SCIENCE Nevil JohnsonDEMOCRACY AND MARKET SYSTEM Charles E. LindblomDECISIONS AND ORGANIZATIONS James G. MarchCUTBACK MANAGEMENT IN PUBLIC BUREAUCRACIES: POPULAR THEORIES AND OBSERVED OUTCOMES IN WHITEHALL Andrew Dunsire and Christopher HoodHEAD OF THE CIVIL SERVICE – A STUDY OF SIR WARREN FISHER Eunan O'HalpinMINISTERIAL RESPONSIBILITY Geoffrey Marshall (ed.)PRIVATE GAIN AND PUBLIC SERVICE – THE ASSOCIATION OF FIRST DIVISION CIVIL SERVANTS Barry J. O'ToolePUBLIC EXPENDITURE MANAGEMENT: SELF‐INSTRUCTION PACKAGE Cabinet Office and HM TreasuryTHE NORTHERN IRELAND ASSEMBLY 1982–1986: A CONSTITUTIONAL EXPERIMENT Cornelius O'Leary, Sydney Elliott and R. A. WilfordMANAGING THE ENABLING AUTHORITY Rodney BrookeACCOUNTING FOR PUBLIC POLICY: POWER, PROFESSIONALS AND POLITICS IN LOCAL GOVERNMENT David RosenbergAN INTRODUCTION TO PUBLIC SECTOR MANAGEMENT Ian Taylor and George Popham (eds.)TESTING THE LIMITS OF SOCIAL WELFARE – INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES ON POLICY CHANGES IN NINE COUNTRIES Robert Morris (ed.)GOVERNMENT AND THE CHEMICAL INDUSTRY: A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF BRITAIN AND WEST GERMANY Wyn Grant, William Paterson and Colin WhitstonTHE CAMPAIGN FOR THE EMPLOYMENT OF WOMEN AS POLICE OFFICERS John CarrierA HISTORY OF DEVON COUNTY COUNCIL 1888–1989 Jeffrey StanyerTHE TREASURY UNDER MRS THATCHER Leo PliatzkyCHARITIES AND GOVERNMENT Alan WareGOVERNMENT AND INDUSTRY: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE US, CANADA AND THE UK Wyn Grant

A review article on books edited by: Joan Smith, Jane Collins, et al, Racism, Sexism, and the World System (New York: Greenwood Press, 1988) & Terry Boswell, Revolution in the World System (New York: Greenwood Press, 1989 [see listings in IRPS No. 65]). These volumes focus on world-system (WS) analysis. The Smith et al volume addresses theoretical orientation, the creation of race & gender as social categories, & how these play into WS labor. Some of the chapters focusing on women can be read as an implicit argument against the dual-systems theory of some socialist feminists. It is suggested that WS analyses have not overcome the tendency toward functionalist explanations as opposed to more strictly historical explanations. The Boswell volume discusses world revolutions, social revolutions, & revolutionary situations, suggesting that the WS perspective on revolution is too general to provide explanations of specific revolutions, & that contemporary revolutions do not fit neatly into established theories of revolution. Contributions also criticize the Tocquevillian-Weberian state-centered approach & mobilization theory. It is concluded that the historical specificity of these volumes avoids the charge of a nonempirical holism & attempt to formulate & conceptualize the interplay of internal & external WS factors. S. Millett

It is noted that the concept of modern political pluralism has endured to be juxtaposed with a succession of alternatives -- elitism, totalitarianism, & corporatism. This longevity has something to do with its flexibility; as a concept, it has been underexplicit. Modern pluralism is not a simple development from earlier uses of that label; rather, it reflects the conclusions of empirical studies in the mid-twentieth century. In the work of R. A. Dahl, N. Polsby, D. B. Truman, & C. E. Lindbloom, the concept is not well-defined, but it is clear that they anticipated many of the later criticisms of pluralism. An attempt is made to construct a preliminary pluralist model from these various accounts. While the model is generally presented as being about competition (competitive pluralism), most of those using a pluralist perspective identify sectorization, privileged access to decision making, & bargaining between departments & client groups. This corporate pluralism model (or group subgovernment) is identified as a major departure from laissez-faire pluralism. The division within pluralism anticipated many of the concerns raised by the corporatist literature. There is little significant difference between sectoral or meso corporatism & corporate pluralism. Pluralism is more successful in countering other theories than in standing as an alternative. Modified AA

IT HAS BEEN WIDELY SUGGESTED IN THE MEDIA THAT YUPPIES (YOUNG URBAN PROFESSIONALS) ARE BECOMING A MAJOR CULTURAL AND POLITICAL SECTOR OF MODERN SOCIETY. THE DISTINCTIVE NATURE OF THEIR SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS IS ATTRIBUTED TO A FAIRLY UNIQUE COMBINATION OF LIBERAL POLITICAL VIEWS AND CONSERVATIVE ECONOMIC ATTITUDES. THEY ARE ALSO THOUGHT TO HAVE LITTLE POLITICAL INVOLVEMENT AND TO PLACE A STRONG EMPHASIS ON INDIVIDUAL WELFARE. USING DUTCH SOCIAL SURVEY DATA, IT IS FOUND THAT ALTHOUGH YUPPIES HOLD MORE LIBERAL POLITICAL ATTITUDES THAN NON-YUPPIES, THERE IS NO EVIDENCE THAT THEY ARE MORE CONSERVATIVE ON ECONOMIC MATTERS, LESS POLITICALLY INVOLVED OR PLACE A STRONGER EMPHASIS ON INDIVIDUAL PROSPERITY. MORE RESTRICTED DEFINITIONS OF THE TERM "YUPPIE" DO NOT AFFECT THESE RESULTS. BESIDES THESE ANALYSES OF SINGLE POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ATTITUDES, AN ADDITIONAL ANALYSIS WAS CONDUCTED TO TRACE POSSIBLE DIFFERENCES IN ATTITUDINAL PATTERNS BETWEEN YUPPIES AND NON-YUPPIES. NO SUCH DIFFERENCES HAVE BEEN FOUND, HOWEVER. IT IS ARGUED THAT, INSTEAD OF YUPPIES BEING A SPECIFIC SOCIAL GROUP, THEY ARE PART OF A MUCH BROADER CATEGORY OF YOUNG, LEFT-OF-CENTER PROFESSIONALS WHO, IN LINE WITH "NEW CLASS" THEORIES, HOLD LIBERAL POLITICAL ATTITUDES.

AFTER THE SUCCESS OF MULTILATERALISM IN THE TOKYO ROUND, U.S. TRADE POLICY IN THE 1980S HAS SHIFTED TOWARD "SPECIFIC RECIPROCITY." THIS POLICY IS AT ODDS WITH THE GATT PRINCIPLE OF "DIFFUSED RECIPROCITY," WHICH HAS BEEN CIRCUMVENTED IN FAVOR OF "AGGRESSIVE RECIPROCITY" AND BILATERALISM. THIS ARTICLE FIRST PRESENTS A WORKING DEFINITION OF SPECIFIC RECIPROCITY IN TRADE POLICY, AND OUTLINES SOME OF ITS THEORETICAL AND HISTORICAL FOUNDATIONS. THE SECOND PART CRITICALLY REVIEWS PREVAILING THEORIES OF REGIME CHANGE IN THE INTERNATIONAL POLITICAL ECONOMY LITERATURE AS THEY APPLY TO THIS SHIFT TOWARD SPECIFIC RECIPROCITY. AT THE SYSTEMIC LEVEL, EXPLANATIONS BASED ON THE DECLINE OF U.S. PREDOMINANCE IN THE WORLD ECONOMY ARE FOUND WANTING, AND AN EMPHASIS ON THE CHANGES IN THE AGENDA FROM TARIFFS TO NONTARIFF MEASURES IS PROPOSED AS AN ALTERNATIVE. AT THE LEVEL OF STATE STRUCTURES, EXPLANATIONS FOCUSSING ON THE RISE IN PROMINENCE OF CONGRESS OVER THE PRESIDENCY ARE ASSESSED AND COMPLEMENTED BY AN EMPHASIS ON THE NORMATIVE ORDER DEFINING THE ROLE OF THE STATE IN THE ECONOMY AND IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS. AT THE SOCIETAL LEVEL, THE PERCEPTION THAT CHANGES IN TRADE POLICY ARE DUE TO THE PRESSURES OF IMPORT-COMPETING INDUSTRIES IS CHALLENGED, AND ATTENTION IS FOCUSSED ON THE KEY ROLE OF EXPORT-ORIENTED INDUSTRIES.

The useful and the pleasant : the question of aesthetics in the survey of rural architecture conducted by the Musée National des Arts et Traditions Populaires (1943-1947)

A policy for protecting rural architecture and landscapes developed out of a survey conducted by Georges-Henri Rivière for the Musée National des Arts et Traditions Populaires from 1943 to 1947. Besides soliciting monographs, this survey sought to discern the decorative elements and distinguish the functional from the aesthetic. Using cases observed in the Margeride and Aubrac areas of France, this article examines this survey's results, the shortcomings of the grid used for analysis, and the position as an expert that was filled by those who conducted the survey. This survey's problems are explained by going back to Riviere's comments both on the nostalgia for a golden age and on the functionalist theories dominant at that time. A more open approach to aesthetic analysis is proposed that calls for taking into account the observer's subjectivity and knowledge of local architectural systems. Thus can be understood the relative coherence of value systems and of the practices of an agricultural, or rural, way of life, even in contemporary forms.

The paper questions the view that international tax relations had a decisive impact on the dismissal of expenditure tax scenarios as guidelines for recent national tax reforms in industrialized countries. It is argued that the introduction of consumption-type value-added tax systems must be regarded a step towards expenditure taxation favoured by international agreements and that double taxation treaties should not be regarded as a specific obstacle against a reform of national enterprise taxation with respect to cash flow concepts. Nevertheless a political economy view may explain that international tax avoidance and rent seeking made multinational enterprises reluctant to support an expenditure tax regime. ; Die weltweite Steuerreformdiskussion der achtziger Jahre gründet sich auf die theoretische und die empirische Evidenz r daß die bestehenden Einkommensteuersysteme gravierende allokative und administrative Mängel aufweisen. Die Hypothese, daß Steuerreformschritte in Richtung auf ein theoretisch überlegenes Ausgabensteuerszenario infolge internationaler Besteuerungsregelungen nicht gesetzt werden konnten, vermag jedoch nicht zu überzeugen. Zum einen läßt sich die Einführung einer Mehrwertsteuer vom Konsumtyp in etwa fünfzig Staaten als ein Schritt in Richtung auf ein ausgabenorientiertes Steuersystem deuten, zum anderen erfordern ausgabensteuerorientierte Neufestlegungen der nationalen Bemessungsgrundlagen von Einkommen- und Körperschaftsteuern nicht notwendigerweise eine Neuverhandlung der bilateralen Doppelbesteuerungsabkommen. Allerdings läßt sich aus der Sicht der ökonomischen Theorie der Steuerpolitik ein Begründungsmuster für die mangelnde politische Unterstützung einer ausgabensteuerorientierten Steuerreform gewinnen. Da insbesondere multinationale Unternehmen über internationale Steuerarbitrage Renten erzielen können, die ihnen in einem globalen Ausgabensteuerregime nicht mehr offenstünden, fällt eine einflußreiche politische Lobby für eine ausgabenorientierte Steuerreform aus.

Joint venture enterprises within Comecon (the example of Soviet-Polish relations 1984-1988)
The idea of setting up joint venture enterprises within Comecon, especially between the USSR and individual member countries, is one of the elements in the programme for transformation of the economic mechanisms of that organization. The author outlines the problem of joint ventures within Comecon taking Poland as his example. Occasion- naly, he has to put forward theories of his own, to make up for the absence of reliable data, since economic relations between the USSR and Poland are still the subject of considerable reticence.
After outlining the origins of the problem, he turns to the history of joint Soviet- Polish enterprises, which have had their difficulties. But co-operation between the two countries has none the less made progress as is shown by the list of enterprises already functioning, and the number of projects at present in operation. The author considers that Soviet-Polish economic relations have recently entered a new phase, but no one can predict their development with any certainty, on account of the upheavals at present taking place in Eastern Europe as a whole.

Thecentral purpose of this essay is to clarify some of the terms in literary criticism that are being employed in current historiographical debates, and to comment on some of their possible implications for German history. As interdisciplinary theoretical debates proliferate beyond their immediate sources, contested positions often come to be built on misleading, heavily derived, or partisan versions of the concepts and practices drawn from the other side. Once battle has beenjoined, the issue of more exacting definitions and distinctions may go by the board. On the other hand, my modest attempt to provide a glossary for others' arguments may mask a more presumptuous claim to both the knowledge and the distance needed to set a tangled record straight. But although I want to suggest which insights might be valuable to historians, and which may be more problematic or unhelpful, I cannot pretend to adjudicate between currently competing theories of knowledge-production. For the German context, that undertaking would require at least some discussion of late nineteenth-century idealist historiography, and of the debate about modernization and modernity that can be traced through Marx, Weber, and Habermas. This will have to await another occasion.

It is quite possible to use the cluster of conventional service terms without further specification, (service jobs, service sectors, service economy), as long as no rigorous empirical theories are intended and as long as data aggregated under that category is likewise not mobilised on behalf of explanation claims. Hence, data published by any number of sources classifies economic activity with reference to agriculture, manufacturing and services, in which services is a residual category. However, the researcher using such data comparatively is at risk since the residuals included in "services" are apt to be the least standardised of all the grossly aggregated data. Where "services" is used as an empty nominal term to stand for other itemised subcategories of service, the term is redundant. Hence, in a recent semi‐popular article, after noting that the term may indeed be so broad as to signify "anything sold in trade that could not be dropped on your foot", a specification of sub‐categories is given which includes financial services, communication and transportation services, and distribution and retail networks, "among others", which latter then becomes a rather sizable, unspecified residual itself. (Quinn, Baruch, Paquette 1987).

In determining what Gorbachev's policies are, I consider the topic of law a very congenial one because he is a lawyer. While he is no longer a practitioner, he attended the same law school as I did long ago. His attitude towards law is as an implementation of policy, and, therefore, I believe that by reading the law, we can, through what is sometimes called reverse engineering, determine what his policies are in the matter of national minority concerns as well as on other matters. We can look upon what is seen on the surface as an indication of what is more deeply enshrined in his thinking. I always remember that Lenin said (and I was taught this my first day of school over there) that law was a political instrument, and I think Gorbachev is very much influenced by Lenin and Leninism. Consequently, I believe he accepts the position that law is indeed a political instrument. He would never accept what is now so popular in Europe: the theories of Lumans, who said that law has a life of its own, not because of its natural-law base, but because of what Lumans states, biological analogy.

A review essay on books by: Catherine Andreyev, Vlasov and the Russian Liberation Movement: Soviet Reality and Emigre Theories (Cambridge: Cambridge U Press, 1987); Sergej Froehlich, General Wlassow: Russen und Deutsche zwischen Hitler und Stalin ([General Vlasov: Russians and Germans between Hitler and Stalin], von Freier, E. [Ed], Koeln: Markus Verlag, 1987); & Joachim Hoffmann, Die Geschichte der Wlassow-Armes ([The History of the Vlasov Army] Freiburg: Verlag Rombach, 1986 [see listings in IRPS No. 60]. A review article challenges the popular notion that Andrey Vlasov (leader of the Russian Liberation Movement, 1942-1945) was a traitor & Nazi collaborator. Rather, Vlasov is viewed as a tragic figure who was caught between the tyranny of Adolph Hitler & Josef Stalin. Andreyev argues unconvincingly that Vlasov became disillusioned with Soviet socialism for two reasons: because the revolution failed to provide land for the peasants & because Stalin continued his purges on the officer corps. Froehlich's personal reminiscences of Vlasov are praised for illuminating his deep aversion to Stalin. Hoffmann devotes much of his book to the repatriation to the USSR of Russians who had collaborated with the Germans. However, his account is criticized for its thinly veiled contempt for US & GB participation in the repatriation efforts. 3 References. W. Howard