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Theory suggests that the political effects of referendums should vary according to the institutional provisions that allow for direct involvement of citizens in decision-making. Relying on extant theoretical models the paper proposes initial tests of some implications for the newly democratized countries in Eastern and Central Europe. The constitutions of these countries distinguish themselves by a wide variety of institutional provisions for referendums. Taking advantage of this increased variance, the paper demonstrates effects of different institutional provisions on policy outcomes, which, so far, have only been demonstrated at the sub-national level, for example, in the United States and Switzerland.

The causes of violence in Burundi are complex and go beyond the alleged
'age-old' animosities between the Hutu and the Tutsi. In the short run, it
may be impossible to eradicate conflicts; but it is imperative to transform
conflicts into non-violent 'shocks of ideas' between rival parties, which must
refocus their energy at finding a negotiated settlement. This article posits that
the solution to violence must revolve around political and economic liberalisation
aimed at (1) eradicating the tradition of using the state for
oppression and accumulation; (2) achieving egalitarian development; and
(3) protecting the rights of all citizens.

The factors that accentuated international relations in the Korean Peninsula included such exceptional and divers conditions as droughts, floods, famine, communism and humanitarian aid. In understanding international politics under such heterogenous conditions, the institution of gift-giving offers illustrative analogies. Private property in the form of sovereignty and gift-giving in the shape of humanitarian aid provide the templates which render the argumentation and action by both sides - the USA, together with its regional allies, and North Korea - expressive and meaningful. It is further argued that both sides used these institutions in an attempt to orchestrate events according to their own political logic. (DSE/DÜI)

THIS ARTICLE IS A CASE STUDY OF THE LEGAL AND POLITICAL HARASSMENT OF A BLACK MAYOR IN TCHULA, MISSISSIPPI. THE CASE ILLUSTRATES IN THE EXTREME THE PECULIAR CHALLENGES THAT CAN BE CONFRONTED BY LOCAL BLACK ELECTED OFFICIALS IN SMALL SOUTHERN JURISDICTIONS, EVEN WHERE THE POPULATION IS PREDOMINANTLY BLACK AND THE REACH OF THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT OTHERWISE ASSURES BLACK RESIDENTS THEIR RIGHTS TO VOTE AND HOLD PUBLIC OFFICE. EFFECTIVE ENFRANCHISEMENT OF BLACKS IN SUCH COMMUNITIES IS DIFFICULT BECAUSE BLACK POSSESS FEW RESOURCES WITH WHICH TO TRANSLATE VOTES INTO ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND BECAUSE HISTORIC PATTERNS OF RACE RELATIONS IN SUCH BACKWATER AREAS STAND AS MAJOR CULTURAL BARRIERS TO CHANGE.

In this study, we seek to contribute to discussions on how the quality of academic production in the field of political science should be evaluated using Brazil as a case study. We contrast the 'expert-driven approach' that is followed by CAPES, an agency of the Brazilian federal government with the 'citational' approach, which is based on the ranking of journals by mainstream indices of scientific research impact. With data provided by CAPES from 2010 to 2014, we examine to what extent journals that are ranked as having high quality by CAPES also have high impact indexes in the SCImago Journal rank index (SJR), the Hirsch index (h-index) calculated by SCImago, the h5-index and h5-median (based on the h-index period 05 years, calculated by Google Scholar Metrics), and the SNIP indicator (calculated by the CWTS Journal Indicators, included in the Scopus database). Our findings show that there is a positive, but weak correlation between citational criteria and the Qualis evaluation of the same journals. In ordered logistic regressions, we show that a journal's past Qualis scores are the most important factor for explaining its grades in the next evaluation. We show that once a journal's past Qualis score is considered, a journal's citational ranking does not influence its Qualis score with the exception of the SJR in the 2013-4 evaluation. Moreover, a journal's Qualis score is not influenced by the country of publication, language, or social science focus, all else equal.

Energy policies which maintain and extend nuclear energy are often opposed by anti-nuclear movements. Ambitious plans for developing nuclear energy in Russia, constructing a first nuclear plant in Poland, and lifting the ban on nuclear energy while allowing the replacement of old reactors in Sweden are examples of such energy policies. In contrast to the massive anti-nuclear movements of 1970-1990s, recent anti-nuclear movements are not organized as national protest campaigns. This thesis examines repertoires of anti-nuclear movements in the alleged "Nuclear Renaissance" period. Repertoires of anti-nuclear actions are analyzed from the perspective of discursive and political opportunities of anti-nuclear movements. Discursive opportunities are enabled or hindered in the ordering of nuclear energy discourses, making messages and actions of social movements legitimate or illegitimate. While discourses of anti-nuclear movements are complex, official discourses of nuclear energy featuring arguments about profitability, energy security and environmental security in connection to nuclear energy development, resonate more with broader socio-political developments. Ordering of discourses is established in such a way that expert rhetoric becomes a standard approach for discussing nuclear energy, while references to emotions and subjective matters are unacceptable. Political contexts of anti-nuclear movements provide opportunities for environmental NGOs, one kind of actor in anti-nuclear movements, to pursue nonconfrontational strategies and engage in institutional channels, where they can contribute their expert knowledge. Concurrently, another actor in anti-nuclear movements, local anti-nuclear groups, on the one hand, share argumentative structures with environmental NGOs, and, on the other hand, attempt to mobilize local population and organize local protests. Due to limited opportunities for attention from the national media and focus on local issues, local protests are not featured in the national media, which is crucial for national protest actions. The differences in repertoires between these two kinds of actors and absence of actors opting for mass engagement provide insight into repertoires of anti-nuclear movements as a whole. This thesis demonstrates how discursive opportunities of social movements, which result from competing discourses of movements and their counter-agents, and political opportunities structure repertoires of actions of these movements. ; Energipolitik som upprätthåller och utökar användandet av kärnkraft motarbetas ofta av antikärnkrafts­rörelser. Exempel på sådan energipolitik är de ambitiösa planerna på att utveckla kärnkraft i Ryssland, att bygga ett första kärnkraftverk i Polen, och att häva förbudet mot kärnkraft samt möjliggöra utbyte av gamla reaktorer i Sverige. I motsats till de massiva antikärnkraftsrörelserna under 1970-1990, är de nya rörelserna inte organiserade som nationella protestkampanjer. Denna avhandling undersöker vilka olika handlingssätt antikärnkrafts­rörelserna i den påstådda "Nuclear Renaissance"-perioden använder. Antikärnkraftsrörelsernas olika sätt att agera analyseras ur diskursiva och politiska möjligheter. Diskurser av antikärnkraftsrörelser är komplexa, när officiella diskurser om kärnkraft möter argument om lönsamhet, energisäkerhet och miljösäkerhet i samband med kärnkraft utveckling, anknyter den mer till en bredare socio-politiska utveckling. Diskurser etableras på ett sådant sätt att expertretorik blir en standardiserad metod för att diskutera kärnkraft, medan hänvisningar till känslor och subjektiva frågor är oacceptabla. Det politiska sammanhanget ger möjligheter till miljöorganisationer, en typ av aktör inom anti­kärnkrafts­rörelsen, att bedriva nonconfrontational strategier och engagera sig via institutionella kanaler, där de kan bidra med sin sakkunskap. Samtidigt som en annan aktör, lokal antikärnkrafts­grupper, å ena sidan dela argument med miljöorganisationer, men å andra sidan försök att mobilisera lokalbefolkningen och anordna lokala protester. Eftersom lokala protester inte visas i nationella medier får de begränsade möjligheter till medial uppmärksamhet, något som är avgörande för nationella protestaktioner. Skillnaderna i sätt att agera mellan dessa två typer av aktörer och frånvaro av aktörer som väljer massengagemang ger insikt i de olika handlingssätt som används av antikärnkraftsrörelser som helhet.

Türkiye'de kurulan Komünizme Mücadele Dernekleri ve bu derneklerin dillendirdiği anti-komünist söylem, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu'nun son dönemlerinden beri Türk toplumunda var olan ?Moskof? imgesinin oluşturduğu ?dış düşman? algısından büyük oranda beslenmiş ve Soğuk Savaş dönemi SSCB ve ABD politikalarının iç politikaya yansıması ile özellikle 1940'lı yıllardan itibaren belirginlik kazanmıştır. Aynı zamanda bu dernekler toplumda, Tek Parti dönemi politikalarının katı laiklik uygulamalarının milliyetçi ve dindar çevreleri susturması ve 1945-1960 arası dönemde CHP ve DP hükümetlerinin sol siyasal düşünceye bakışındaki dışlayıcı benzerlikten faydalanarak ortaya çıkmışlardır. Bu dernekler sırasıyla 1950'de Zonguldak'ta, 1956'da İstanbul'da ve son olarak 1963 yılında İzmir'de kurulmuşlardır. Bu dernekler toplumda var olan negatif içerikli ?Moskof? imgesi ve bir iç düşman olarak algılanan ?komünizme? ve ?komünistlere? karşı devletin dışında ama ona paralel bir biçimde engelleyici söylemler üretmişlerdir. Komünizmle mücadele sürecinde etkin olan dernek ve bu sürece dâhil olan kişiler, bu söylemleri üretirken milletin, dinin, devletin ve geleneksel kültürel değerlerin sahibi olunduğu ve bunları korumakla kendi geleceklerine sahip çıkacaklarını düşünmüşlerdir. Komünizmle Mücadele Derneklerinin kuruluşunda yer alanlar başta olmak üzere, komünizmle mücadele söyleminin üretilmesine ve siyasal yaşamın anti-komünizm yönünde politize edilmesine katkısı olan birçok önemli kişi de bu derneklerin ürettiği söyleme katkı yapmışlardır. Bu katkılar dikkate alındığında Komünizmle Mücadele Dernekleri ve sahip oldukları anti-komünist söylem, Türk sağı'nın 1930'lardan itibaren belirginleşen oluşumuna, 1950'li yıllardan itibaren açık bir biçimde katkı yapmış başka adı ve söylemi olan derneklerin ve söylemlerin en önemlilerinden biri olmuştur. Bu derneklerin üretmiş olduğu söylemin gücünden siyasal güç devşiren MHP ve AP gibi kimi partiler de olmuştur. Bu derneklerin ürettiği anti-komünist söylem Tek Parti döneminde devlete küsmüş/darılmış kimi milliyetçi, dindar ve muhafazakâr çevrelerin devletle barışmasını sağlamak ve onların siyasal alanda bir aktör olarak yer almaları gibi bir fonksiyonu da yerine getirmiştir. ; Anti-communist institutions and the rhetoric voiced by these institutions were inspired by the conception of ?external enemy? created by the ?Moskow? image that was seen in the Turkish society since the last stages of Ottoman Empire and began to be apparent after 1940s when United States and Socialist Block?s policies were reflected to interior policy. At the same time, these institutions appeared in the society as a result of the secularist policies of the single party regime that suppressed the nationalist and religious circles and the similarity between the Republican People?s Party and Democratic Party?s alienating attitude towards leftist discourse between 1945-1960. They were founded in Zonguldak in 1950, in 1956 in İstanbul and in 1963 in İzmir respectively. These institutions produced a negative discourse against the ?Moscow? image and ?communism? and ?communists? that were accepted as an internal enemy in the society. The discourse produced by those institutions was out of the government but in parallel with it. In the process of the struggle against communism, active institutions and people producing this discourse thought that they had the nation, religion, government and traditional cultural values and by protecting these, they would protect their future. Along with the people who participated in the founding of the institutions of anti-communism, several important people contributed to the producing of the anti-communist discourse and politicizing process of the political life towards anti-communism. When these contributions are taken into consideration, anti-communist institutions and their anti-communist discourse contributed to the formation of Turkish right beginning in 1930s and being apparent in 1950s along with the other institutions and discourses. There have been political parties like Nationalist Movement Party and Justice Party that gained political power from the power of the discourse of these institutions. This anti-communist discourse also realized a function of including the religious and conservative circles that were offended by the government in the single party regime as actors in political area.

Partisanship and news source attribution may influence perceived media bias and trust in COVID-19 information. This study aimed to explore how the similarity liking effect relates to political identity and perceived credibility. Our main hypothesis was that individuals would find news sources that shared their political affiliation as more trustworthy than other news sources. To test our hypothesis, 216 undergraduate students participated in a study that measured participants' trustworthiness of a news article with randomized source attribution from a liberal, conservative, and neutral source. A 2X3 ANOVA tested the relationship between our participants' political affiliation, measured by the 12-item Social and Economic Conservatism Scale (Everett, 2013), the news sources' political affiliation, and trustworthiness rating given to the articles by the participants. The results of the ANOVA were not significant; therefore, our data did not support our hypothesis. An exploratory analysis revealed a significant main effect for self-reported affiliation. Specifically, participants who identified as "Other" rated the articles as significantly less trustworthy than Democratic and Republican participants. Our results suggest that there may be other factors that are more prominent in influencing the trustworthiness of news sources apart from political affiliation. Further research is needed to gain an understanding of how social identity theory influences news and media consumption in the United States.

Is the end of the nation-state approaching, now that the international economy takes less and less notice of borders between countries and the European Union has already acquired so much political power? What does national autonomy mean when governments delegate any number of powers to international organizations? Internationalization leads to political change, and the position of the nation-state appears to be undergoing a radical process of erosion. The surprising conclusion of this book is that the political significance of the state will not be lost. The analyses show that both expansion and fragmentation of political power are characteristics of fundamental political change. While it is true that the state is delegating authority and that internationalization is limiting autonomy, the state is also finding new forms of cooperation and coordination, both nationally and internationally, to preserve and even to strengthen its power and autonomy. Contrary to widely held assumptions, the idea of a progressive weakening of the nationstate does not prove tenable.

This book examines the Free Trade Area of the Americas (FTAA), an ambitious venture in regional market integration which builds on the principles of the North American Free Trade Agreement. It assesses the long-term corporate and public policy measures to cope with the increased monetary, fiscal and structural interdependence that will be required if the benefits of the FTAA are to be realized

Analyse von Rolle und Bedeutung der arabischen Wähler bei den israelischen Knesset- und Präsidentschaftswahlen 1996 im Kontext zweier Entwicklungen: Politisierung des arabischen Bevölkerungssektors und politische Legitimierung der arabischen Wählerschaft und der arabisch-orientierten Parteien. (DÜI-Hns)