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Indonesiaorin the cultural language is called by the Nusantara is a region stretching from Sabang to Merauke, includes various islands, customs, language, religion, culture and social traditions. This article attempts to lay the objective conditions of the development of social sciences of the Nusantara and the possible development of a typical Indonesian social sciences.The social sciences here are conceptualized from the social and cultural traditions of Indonesia itself. Conceptualisation of social science should be synergic between the spirit of the development of the science of its scientists and support countries on another hand, of course, the development ofsocial sciences in the future by the political partiality of state accompanied by incorporating cultural values as lecture material. Withsocialhistoricalparse, this article presents a discussion about the historicity of social sciences, forming the intellectual block, institutionalization ofsocial sciences in the Nusantara and its reflection, and the prophetic spirit and intellectual asceticism.

The purpose of this research is how to comprehend the politics of Indonesian people for accepting ethnic, racial, religious and tribal diversity in occupying government seat (governor's election of Jakarta) in the context of multicultural country. This research uses Michel Foucaul's theory, especially in implementing the discourse of " indigenous Indonesian leader " in people's mind. Foucaul's critical discourse analyses alone does not fully answer the issues of politics in Indonesia, therefore this research also uses Jacques Ranciere's theory in its democratic spirit and the multicultural view of Bhikhu Parekh. The result of the research are society's heterophobia of multicultural politics, the emerging burden of multicultural politics in Indonesia, antagonism, failures in politics, and epilogue, becoming a difference border. The conclusion is, issue of SARA (ethnicity, religion, race, intergroups) still exists, especially in a country with multicultural status. Politics and multicultural discourses which do not find the logic of the equation is not the dissensus, but consensus.

Pesantren is a community-based education institution that has lived and developed in Indonesia before independence. The pattern of community-based education developed in pesantren, in addition to being born out of the community's own initiative, is also supported by state policy through the National Education System Act no. 20 of 2003, reinforced by Government Regulation No. 66 of 2010 concerning Amendment to Government Regulation No. 17 of 2010 on Management and Implementation of Education. The existence of pesantren as a communitybased educational institution not only manages the Salafiyah model education which focuses on religious studies by studying the yellow book, but also the modern education model that integrates the study of religion, sciences, and science and technology. While institutional reform of pesantren is a mandate of the law as a form of communitybased education, because the involvement of the community ranging from planning, establishing, managing, menumbuhkembangkan and evaluate the educational institutions in Indonesia, specially pesantren.

The article is an analysis of the cathegory of Presence in the context of religion. The scope is to show the phenominon of presence as a fundamental cathegory in the aspect of religious existence. Article mentions definitions of presense known in both classical and modern philosophy. Especially interesting for the work is the concept of God's presence through: the word, the Providence, the world and the mystical experience. The matter of God's presence is complemented by analisys of God's secrecy often discussed in the religious literature, especially in the theologhy of spirituality. The text is featuring reciprocal correlation, dialectics of both terms and the consequences for the spiritual life. There are mentioned antropological conditions of the posibility for religious relationship, especailly relationship in which the essence is the presence – that are: capax Dei (man's ability (and need) to relate to the Divine) and quaerere Deum (man's ability (and need) to seak for Divine).

428Aliens — Asylum — Human rights — Refugee status — Protection from well-founded fear of persecution for reasons of race, religion, nationality, membership of a particular social group or political opinion — Homosexual persons as a "particular group" — Test to apply in determining whether a homosexual asylum claimant entitled to asylumRelationship of international law and municipal law — Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, 1951 — United Kingdom domestic law — Test devised in J v. SSHD for determining whether homosexual asylum claimant entitled to asylum — Whether proper test — Whether contrary to ordinary meaning of "refugee" — Whether contrary to object and purpose of Refugee ConventionTreaties — Interpretation — Convention relating to the Status of Refugees, 1951 — Object and purpose of Refugee Convention — Article 1A — Whether homosexual persons a "particular social group" in need of international protection — Whether applicants having well-founded fear of persecution — Whether test devised in J v. SSHD proper test — The law of England

Liberal political ideology that promotes the democratization agenda and the implementation of human rights is seen as a normative goal of global political developments today. But liberalism does not actually escape from various critics. One radical criticism against liberalism derived from the communitarian camp that liberalism tends to privatize the concept of good life (religion, ideology) and put it in the private sphere. An important result or this is the lack of social solidarity. This paper tries to sharpen the criticism of the communitarian camp over liberalism with the knife of the Hegelian concept of holism. In liberal political theory, integralism or holism is criticized as the cause of totalitarian political systems. In this description will be shown that integralism or holism should not be contrary to the principles of individual rights. Holism or integralism suggests some fundamental criticisms of liberalism and proposes some solutions to overcome the problem of pathology of liberalism.

Scholars have hitherto found little to no place for natural philosophy in the intellectual makeup of the Enlightened historian William Robertson, overlooking his significant contacts with that province and its central relevance to the controversy surrounding David Hume and Lord Kames in the 1750s. Here I reexamine Robertson's Situation of the World at the Time of Christ's Appearance (1755) in light of these contexts. I argue that his foundational sermon drew upon the scientific theism of such thinkers as Joseph Butler, Edmund Law, and Colin Maclaurin to counter the autonomous figurations of the universe associated with Hume and Kames, and to develop a historical account of progress based around Christian progressivism rather than the stadial theory of Adam Smith. Robertson conceived of history neither in secular terms nor in those of traditional religion, but sought instead to update the language of providentialism by naturalizing the sacred within a framework of general laws.

AbstractThis article explores the responses of Sephardi Jews to two moments of heightened tension and politicized violence in the Ottoman Empire during the late 19th century—the massacres of Armenians in Istanbul in 1896 and the Greco–Ottoman War of 1897. It argues that many of the strategies of representation that Jewish elites employed during these moments speak to their ability and willingness to work within a framework of Islamic Ottomanism. Recognizing this pattern complicates scholarly assumptions about the relationship of religious minorities to the deployment of state religion in general and about the responses of non-Muslims to the Hamidian regime's mobilization of Islam more specifically. Identifying the pattern is not to celebrate it, however. Sephardi Jews' relationship with Islamic Ottomanism was in many cases deeply ambivalent. Finding themselves torn between civic and Islamic forms of imperial identification during this period, Ottoman Jews soon learned that both positions could entail uncomfortable choices and disturbing consequences.

This paper compares the political values and viewpoints of Americans with those of citizens of 19 other wealthy democracies. Drawing on the long history of scholarship and debate about "American Exceptionalism," we ask whether Americans' positions on issues of governance, taxation, equality, religion, and morality are significantly different from those of people in comparable countries in Europe and elsewhere. Using data from the International Social Survey Program's Role of Government survey, the World Values Survey, and other sources, we show that, on almost all of these questions, Americans' views are on average substantially to the right of those of people in our comparison countries: Americans are less supportive of redistribution and government intervention in the economy, are more likely to blame poverty on the failings of the poor, and are by far more religious. These findings confirm that Americans are on the whole more right-leaning than Europeans, Canadians, Australians, New Zealanders, and the Japanese.

National and religious identification processes can be seen as the basis of the conflict in Northern Ireland, and over the course of the conflict preferred social and political identities became increasingly oppositional and entrenched. This paper reviews this evidence using population-level studies of self-categorized national and religious identity. In an attempt to explore the bases of these identities, two interrelated qualitative studies examining the constructions of national and religious identification are reported. The findings presented suggest the continuing predominance of national and religious identities that have generally been constructed as opposing. Evidence of complete overlap of the identities is evidenced in conflation of religion and nationality in adolescents' essays. Theoretical sampling of adults living on the border between Northern Ireland, the republic of Ireland, and those in mixed marriages highlight the strategic use of national and religious identities that may act to support divisions in post-Agreement Northern Ireland. References. Adapted from the source document.

The prospects of establishing religious progressive social reform movements are contemplated. Several dangerous developments in political-religious relations are highlighted: the emergence of theocratic groups & governments in various Western & Middle Eastern countries; state repression of particular religious groups in various East & South Asian nations; the integration of evangelicalism & fundamentalism within the US; & the increase of conflict amongst different Islamic groups. Nevertheless, some positive trends within these regions are noted including the manifestation of Christian communities throughout certain areas of the People's Republic of China & the growth of Catholicism within developing societies. The thought of Antonio Gramsci & Ernst Bloch is subsequently reviewed to ascertain a progressive strategy for comprehending the politics-religion nexus within different socio-political contexts. Examples of religious-social movement coalitions in the US, eg, the Interfaith Committee for Worker Justice, are cited to illustrate the possibility of creating a religious progressive approach to realizing social reform. J. W. Parker

Data from the 1998–99 National Family Health Survey (NFHS2) of India are used to examine the net effects of social and demographic characteristics of women on the likelihood of abortion while emphasizing important differences between women from northern and southern states. A north–south comparison illustrates that southern women have relatively higher levels of literacy and labour force participation, lower levels of son preference, and smaller family size. Results from logistic regression analyses show that literacy, type of work, belonging to a scheduled caste or tribe, urban residence, standard of living, parity, religion, age, age at union and contraceptive behaviour all have significant effects on the likelihood of abortion. However, most of these effects significantly differ for southern and northern women. Moreover, the effects of agricultural work, son preference and age at union on the likelihood of abortion are significant for northern but not southern women.