Suchergebnisse

Since their discovery, antibiotics, and more broadly, antimicrobials, have been a cornerstone of modern medicine. But the overuse and misuse of these drugs have led to rising rates of antimicrobial resistance, which occurs when bacteria adapt in ways that render antibiotics ineffective. A world without effective antibiotics can have drastic impacts on population health, global development, and the global economy. As a global common good, antibiotic effectiveness is vulnerable to the tragedy of the commons, where a shared limited resource is overused by a community when each individual exploits the finite resource for their own benefit. A borderless threat like antimicrobial resistance requires global governance mechanisms to mitigate its emergence and spread, and it is the responsibility of all countries and relevant multilateral organizations. These mechanisms can be in the form of legally binding global governance mechanisms such as treaties and regulatory standards or nonbinding mechanisms such as political declarations, resolutions, or guidelines. In this article, we argue that while both are effective methods, the strong, swift, and coordinated action needed to address rising rates of antimicrobial resistance will be better served through legally binding governance mechanisms.

Cyberspace appears to offer limitless possibilities for collaboration and economic opportunity in the twenty-first century, but cyber-attacks, breaches of privacy, and security threats also have become commonplace. In the face of these challenges, a number of governments have been locked in debates over the future of cyberspace governance, including the Russian Republic, the People's Republic of China, and the United States. This study examines the ongoing contestation of the international normative architecture for cyberspace, with a focus on the United States' role as a norm 'antipreneur', seeking to defend the status quo multi-stakeholder norm for a more open Internet from entrepreneurial efforts by Russia and China to establish multilateral governance with 'cyber-sovereignty'. Drawing on recent advances in constructivist theory, the study explores antipreneurial strategies to contest efforts by entrepreneurs to introduce new norms, as well as implications for norm development and change. Process tracing is employed to examine cyberspace governance debates. The study concludes by discussing prospects for an International Code of Conduct for Cyberspace, as well as theoretical and political implications of antipreneurship in modern norm contestations.

"La migración es uno de los procesos más antiguos que se desarrollan en el mundo, el cual va tomando ciertas dimensiones o ciertas cualidades dependiendo del área y la época en que se produce dicha migración. Es por ello, que se debe ser muy específico al estudiar este fenómeno. Por otro lado, hoy en día los derechos humanos son motivo cotidiano de acuerdos en foros multilaterales, de encuentros diplomáticos bilaterales, de reportes en la prensa nacional e internacional y de fuertes tensiones entre gobiernos y actores no estatales. Esto, por supuesto, no siempre ha sido así. Los derechos humanos no eran parte de las discusiones normativas o las pugnas políticas en foros diplomáticos internacionales, ni en las relaciones bilaterales entre las naciones. Hasta hace poco, no existían tratados internacionales de derechos humanos, ni órganos pertenecientes a organizaciones intergubernamentales dedicados a su defensa y promoción (Anaya, 2014). El primer problema que surge cuando se aborda el tema de los derechos humanos de los migrantes es que no existe un instrumento internacional que abarque la totalidad de los derechos a ser reconocidos y protegidos (Gutiérrez, 2005:39)"

This report systematises and analyses existing knowledge on taxation in fragile states. Efforts to support domestic revenue mobilisation in conflict situations require a different approach and other means than in the more stable developing countries. On that basis, the study discusses possible entry points for Norwegian support to domestic revenue mobilisation in ways that may contribute to strengthen state-building and improve government legitimacy. Complexity, limited experience and security concerns suggest that one should be cautious to adopt bilateral technical assistance programmes of the kind implemented in other developing countries. Instead, the study argues in favour of engagement via multilateral institutions, including multi-donor trust funds and other forms of pooled resources. The report recommends nine entry points for Norwegian support to taxation in fragile states: 1. Do no harm 2. Safeguard donor coordination, but ensure a certain humility 3. Support customs administration 4. Capacitate management and taxation of natural resources 5. Support the United Nations Tax Committee 6. Improve taxpayer-tax administration relations 7. Remember the sub-national tax system 8. Support civil based organisations 9. Develop research capacity ; publishedVersion

Nueva Zelanda, lugar de edición de esta obra, es un país relevante en espacios multilaterales que se ocupan de deporte, género, cultura indígena y fuentes de energía renovable. También es un país destacado en una nueva área de la política internacional poco estudiada en América Latina y el Caribe: la diplomacia científica, actividad que reune dos términos aparentemente incompatibles. Por una parte, la ciencia cuyos actores motivados por su curiosidad y la opción racional de aceptar cambios, principalmente a través de la implementación de métodos de investigación científica. Por otra parte, la diplomacia movilizada por actores que expresan los intereses nacionales y objetivos de la política exterior de los estados (A. Cooper, Heine, & Thakur, 2013; Jacobs & Page, 2005). La diplomacia científica es un mecanismo de diálogo entre científicos y políticos destinado a promover intereses nacionales en áreas del conocimiento, significado éste que es asumido por los compiladores Davis y Patman. Ellos, en efecto, reconocen las contribuciones de la evidencia científica en la formulación de política exterior para brindar respuestas a problemas complejos de la agenda mundial como, por ejemplo, enfermedades infecciosas, escasez de alimentos y cambio climático.

Under the pressure of the more aggressive rhetoric of the new US administration, 2017 has uncovered the ever-increasing weight that the traditional dynamics between the great powers is regaining even in the international context of the 21st century. Contrary to the most optimistic forecasts and rhetoric of the first cold post-war period, the "big game" has regained the center of the stage, driven in part by the growth and renewed assertiveness of potential global competitors of the United States such as Russia and China, in it starts from the continuing crisis of the multilateral fabric of international coexistence and, in part even greater, from the decomposition of the regional system into increasingly autonomous arenas, within which the weight of the respective great local powers also grows. The ISPI 2018 Report questions this change, only partly offset by the good news that, over the last year, came from the international economy. The first part of the volume is dedicated to the global context, the second asks what place Europe can occupy in a "world of adults", while the third addresses as usual to Italian foreign policy.

Migrant workers face special problems in terms of qualifying for, and receiving payment under, national social security systems. In an effort to mitigate these problems, many states coordinate their social security systems. This paper explores how coordination schemes work in regional mechanisms such as the European Union, in international conventions adopted by the International Labour Organisation, and in multi-lateral treaties such as the Andean Social Security Instrument. ; Los trabajadores migrantes enfrentan problemas muy específicos en relación con su calificación dentro de los sistemas de seguridad social de los países receptores y respecto del pago de las prestaciones económicas que reconocen los diferentes sistemas. En un esfuerzo por mitigar esos problemas, muchos estados han venido coordinando sus sistemas de seguridad social. Este artículo explora cómo opera elmecanismo de la coordinación, tanto en procesos de integración regional como la Unión Europea, como en los convenios internacionales adoptados por la Organización Internacional del Trabajo y hace referencia también, a tratados multilaterales tales como el Instrumento Socio Laboral sobre Seguridad Social, de la Comunidad Andina de Naciones.

China's role in Southeast Asia is of a multi-dimensional nature and, as in the case of all small and medium powers that are forced to deal with the presence of a great power in their midst, the Southeast Asian nations have to negotiate and mediate China's presence. The resulting conduct of foreign policy, foreign economic policy and security policy towards China is no longer based on the strategic considerations of insulated government elites, but are the result of complex decision-making processes which are also influenced by non-governmental actors. Consequently, foreign policy-makers have to reconcile international and domestic priorities and demands. Loosely based on Robert Putnam's analytical framework of "two-level games", this article looks at two case studies which highlight the interlinked reality of international and national agendas. First, the ASEAN-China Free Trade Area (ACFTA), which was initially and enthusiastically embraced by ASEAN for general political reasons, and second, the conflicts in the South China Sea where the Southeast Asian claimants are carefully trying to balance a multilateral approach towards China (via ASEAN) with their specific national interests.

The Korean government's New Southern Policy aims to cultivate its relations with ASEAN and India as key partners in the southern region, raise this partnership to the level of Korea's traditional four major diplomatic partners (the U.S., China, Japan, Russia), develop values that can be empathized with others, and build a mutually prosperous "people centered" community. The New Southern Policy aims to form a multilateral economic and diplomatic framework to adjust to the U.S.'s priority on domestic concerns, which has been in full swing since the inauguration of the Trump administration, and to the expansion of China's influence across East Asia. Korea's trade has been heavily dependent on the United States and China. Over the last three years (2015‒2017), the United States and China accounted for 38.1% of Korea's total exports. In terms of total value of exports and imports also, China and the U.S. accounted for 35 percent. This concentration on a certain few countries in its trade structure has made Korea susceptible to changes in their foreign policy strategies and constrained the range of changes in its foreign economic policies.

Sotto la spinta della retorica più aggressiva della nuova amministrazione degli Stati Uniti, il 2017 ha messo allo scoperto il peso sempre crescente che la tradizionale dinamica tra le grandi potenze sta riacquistando anche nel contesto internazionale del XXI secolo. Contrariamente alle previsioni e alle retoriche più ottimistiche del primo dopoguerra fredda, il "gioco tra grandi" ha riconquistato il centro della scena, spinto in parte dalla crescita e dalla rinnovata assertività di potenziali competitori globali degli Stati Uniti quali la Russia e la Cina, in parte dalla perdurante crisi del tessuto multilaterale della convivenza internazionale e, in parte ancora maggiore, dalla scomposizione del sistema regionale in arene sempre più autonome, all'interno delle quali cresce anche il peso delle rispettive grandi potenze locali. Il Rapporto ISPI 2018 si interroga su questo mutamento, controbilanciato solo in parte dalle buone notizie che, nel corso dell'ultimo anno, sono venute dall'economia internazionale. La prima parte del volume è dedicata al contesto globale, la seconda si domanda quale posto possa occupare l'Europa in un "mondo di grandi", mentre la terza si rivolge come di consueto alla politica estera italiana.

In the soft power context, health is increasingly seen as an area that generates particular diplomatic benefits because it is ostensibly non-political and can bring both immediate and long-term advantages equally to the donor and the recipient country. Since the European Union's role in the international affairs is increasing, the EU is expected to play a central role in global health guided by the principles of solidarity, i.e. to provide an equitable and universal access to quality health services. Some commentators point to a lack of coherence and coordination between EU health and other policies. Also, ambiguities do exist about the scope of national and European competencies in the area of health policy . The role of the smaller member states may be unusually significant as they "use the health arena to demonstrate their commitment to the multilateral systems that provide them with a voice and allow them a leading role on the global stage". Thus, health diplomacy offers an intriguing insight into the dynamics in the EU's approaches to Central Asia, the region that is incrementally becoming of interest to Europe.

"La migración es uno de los procesos más antiguos que se desarrollan en el mundo, el cual va tomando ciertas dimensiones o ciertas cualidades dependiendo del área y la época en que se produce dicha migración. Es por ello, que se debe ser muy específico al estudiar este fenómeno. Por otro lado, hoy en día los derechos humanos son motivo cotidiano de acuerdos en foros multilaterales, de encuentros diplomáticos bilaterales, de reportes en la prensa nacional e internacional y de fuertes tensiones entre gobiernos y actores no estatales. Esto, por supuesto, no siempre ha sido así. Los derechos humanos no eran parte de las discusiones normativas o las pugnas políticas en foros diplomáticos internacionales, ni en las relaciones bilaterales entre las naciones. Hasta hace poco, no existían tratados internacionales de derechos humanos, ni órganos pertenecientes a organizaciones intergubernamentales dedicados a su defensa y promoción (Anaya, 2014). El primer problema que surge cuando se aborda el tema de los derechos humanos de los migrantes es que no existe un instrumento internacional que abarque la totalidad de los derechos a ser reconocidos y protegidos (Gutiérrez, 2005:39)"

En 1994, el Distrito de Aguablanca en Cali fue el escenario elegido por el gobierno y organismos multilaterales para incubar las casas de justicia, uno de los proyectos pioneros del segundo movimiento de Derecho y Desarrollo. Este integra dos objetivos en principio opuestos: disminuir el gasto de recursos y tiempo en la prestación de justicia; y aproximar la relación entre comunidad y Estado para prevenir los conflictos. En este artículo, ahondamos en esta dicotomía entre eficiencia económica y proximidad social, resaltando la importancia del diálogo y, en especial, de la escucha, para construir una visión de justicia que recoja los sentidos que circulan en los escenarios donde el Estado interviene. Para ello, realizaremos un análisis comparado entre las lógicas de medición desplegadas por el gobierno central en la Casa de Justicia, una fundación de rehabilitación de jóvenes en conflicto con la ley penal y un comedor comunitario, ubicados en los barrios Marroquín II y Potrero Grande, utilizando referentes como el silencio, el tiempo presente, la transformación y el ruido, desarrollados por el filósofo Jean-Luc Nancy.

Después de experimentar las etapas del desarrollo espontáneo y del desarrollo independiente, las relaciones sino-latinoamericanas han entrado en una nueva fase del "desarrollo constructivo" que se caracteriza por el objetivo estratégico de construir una nueva estructura y una comunidad de destino común, un con un nuevo marco de cooperación basado en la negociación y en la ganancia mutua. Como resultado de esto, los lazos entre China y América Latina han conseguido muchos avances en los terrenos político, económico, cultural y de la cooperación multilateral. Sin embargo, debido a la incertidumbre del mundo y las transformaciones de las dos partes, la cooperación entre ambos lados sigue enfrentando muchos desafíos. En la actualidad, hay varias contradicciones importantes que deben ser resueltas: la primera es la brecha entre el mejoramiento de mecanismos de cooperación y sus expectativas; la segunda es la cada vez más fuerte presencia estratégica de China en América Latina y la capacidad de aceptación de este continente. La última es la necesidad urgente de desarrollar y profundizar esta relación tras la falta del conocimiento mutuo.

The ruling on 12 July 2016 by the Arbitral Tribunal in the case of the South China Sea dispute between the Philippines and China has had positive impact on the credibility of the Philippines and other Southeast Asian claimant countries. This improved positioning for Southeast Asia vis-à-vis China has however mainly seen the promotion of bilateral country relationships with China and displayed limited utility for the Southeast Asian region as a whole. Despite contemporary unpalatability of multilateralism as a viable means for dispute resolution to the claimant countries, there is an inherent multilateral opportunity to the rise of Sino-Southeast Asian bilateralisms post-ruling, especially favourable for regional, inter-regional, and global for a in which Southeast Asian countries and China interact with international partners. Primary aim of this article is to illustrate this indirect opportunity for multilateralism with focus on the extent to which there has been and is enhanced space for the European Union (EU) and its Member States as international partners to express their commitment to peace and security in the Asia-Pacific in the specific context of the South China Sea arbitration.