Suchergebnisse

Recent developments in both theory and practice have inspired a new understanding of public interest lawyering. The theoretical development is an intensified interest in Pragmatism. The practical development is the emergence of a style of social reform that seeks to institutionalize the Pragmatist vision of democratic governance as learning and experimentation. This style is reflected in a variety of innovative responses to social problems, including drug courts, ecosystem management, and "new accountability" educational reform. The new understanding represents a significant challenge to an influential view of law among politically liberal lawyers over the past 50 years. That view – Legal Liberalism – is less a creature of academic theory than an implicit popular jurisprudence of practicing lawyers. It consists of a cluster of ideas associated with the Warren Court, the ACLU, the NAACP Legal Defense Fund, Ralph Nader, and the legal aid and public defender movements. This essay seeks to reconsider Legal Liberalism in the light of the Pragmatist approach and to offer a tentative appraisal of the newcomer. It begins by explicating the sometimes – tacit premises of Legal Liberalism and exploring its shortcomings. It then introduces the contrasting premises of the Pragmatist approach as they appear in a variety of recent works of legal scholarship. It illustrates the Pragmatist approach with a discussion of two case studies – one of drug courts and one of "second generation" employment discrimination remedies. It concludes with some comments about ambiguities and limitations of Legal Pragmatism.

The rule of law and democracy -- The rule of law and judicial independence -- Undermining judicial independence -- Judicial bias -- Judicial reform -- Reforming judicial behaviour -- Managing the judiciary-- Judicial activism -- Judicial accountability

AbstractCollective redress mechanisms for consumer claims seek both to allow legal systems to accommodate mass litigation without being overwhelmed and to enable litigation to be viable where individual claims would not be economic. The article maps a number of recent reforms and reform proposals relating to consumer collective redress at national level and comments on EU developments. It notes that there is insufficient recognition of the differences between schemes geared at managing mass litigation as opposed to those aimed at facilitating otherwise non-viable claims. There are however signs that a European style of collective redress procedure is developing, which emphasize the role of public authorities and consumer organizations as gatekeepers to collective redress. The EU is unlikely to be able to impose collective redress procedures on national civil procedures, but the EU could prompt Member States to reflect on the need for national reforms. There may be limited scope for an EU mechanism to address the problem of individually non-viable consumer claims. This would however have to address certain fundamental issues such as the opt-out mechanism, cy-près distribution and funding if consumer organizations are to be encouraged to bring such actions. At a legal doctrinal level, it is interesting to note the influence of comparative studies on policy development within Member States as well as at the EU level.

Frontmatter -- INHALTSVERZEICHNIS -- LITERATURVERZEICHNIS -- ABKÜRZUNGSVERZEICHNIS -- Erster Teil: HISTORISCHER ÜBERBLICK -- I. Geschichte der Haager Regeln -- II. Entstehungsgeschichte des Art. X IÜ -- III. Entstehung des Zeichnungsprotokolls -- Zweiter Teil: INTERPRETATION DES ART. X IÜ -- I. Einführung -- II. Ist Art. X IÜ eine den Anwendungsbereich des IÜ's regelnde Norm? -- III. Ist Art. X IÜ eine international-privatrechtliche Kollisionsnorm? -- IV. Andere denkbare Interpretationen des Art. X IÜ -- V. Ergebnis -- Dritter Teil: TATSÄCHLICHER ANWENDUNGSBEREICH DES IÜ's -- I. Gemeinschaft der Vertragsstaaten -- II. Die verschiedenen Anwendungssysteme -- Vierter Teil: DER GELTUNGSBEREICH DES IÜ's IN DER RECHTSPRAXIS DER VERTRAGSSTAATEN -- I. Einführung -- II. Großbritannien -- III. Deutschland -- IV. Vereinigte Staaten von Amerika -- V. Frankreich -- VI. Belgien -- VII. Niederlande -- VIII. Italien -- IX. Skandinavien -- X. Australien -- XI. Andere Staaten -- ANHANG: Die Paramount-Klausel -- 1. Entstehung der Paramount-Klausel -- 2. Gesetzliche Verpflichtung zur Aufnahme von Paramount-Klauseln in Konnossemente -- 3. Rechtsfolgen der Mißachtung des Paramount-Gebotes -- 4. Vertraglich vereinbarte Paramount-Klauseln -- 5. Wirkung der Paramount-Klausel -- 6. Britisches Gold-Clause Agreement -- 7. Abschaffung der Paramount-Klausel -- Fünfter Teil: REFORM DES IÜ's -- I. Gegenwärtige Gesamtlage -- II. Notwendigkeit der Reform -- III. Geltungsbereich vergleichbarer internationaler Konventionen -- IV. Arbeiten des CMI zur Neufassung von Art. X IÜ -- V. Vervollständigung der Gemeinschaft der Vertragsstaaten

Cyberspace is the interdependent network of information technology infrastructures such as the internet, telecommunications networks, and computer systems. Meanwhile, Indonesia's Law Number 11 of 2008 and its amendment through Indonesian Law Number 19 of 2016 governing cyberspace have been viewed to contradict and infringe other areas of law, such as protection of press or freedom of expression. Hence, this study seeks to identify the controversies and problems regarding the law deemed urgent for amendment. Further, this study creates recommendations so the government may amend electronic information policy more fairly and efficiently. This study uses a judicial normative and comparative approach. This research tries to analyze the existing regulations and the implementation and compare Indonesia's cyberspace regulation with other States'. This study finds that Articles 27(3) and 28(2) of the law criminalize defamation and hate speech in an overly broad manner and that Article 40(2)(b) allows the government to exercise problematic censorship. As a result, they have infringed the freedom of the press and general freedom of expression in practice. In response to this, this study compares similar provisions from other States and recommends amendment the articles to become narrower and more clearly defined.

Belarus is concerned by Russian actions in Ukraine and is trying to distance itself from Russia, including by not recognising the annexation of Crimea and calling for a peacekeeping mission. It is also suffering the effects of Russia's economic downturn. President Lukashenka has taken steps to promote the Belarusian language and identity to counter Russian influence. But he is not moving towards greater engagement with the political opposition. The Ukraine crisis has reinforced the risk-averse instincts of the Belarusian people and reduced the likelihood of protests tied to elections scheduled for this year. Minsk is not likely to shift from its broadly proRussian orientation, but it has made tentative diplomatic overtures to the EU. The EU's pro-democracy sanctions policy toward Belarus has failed to promote political reform and arguably pushed Belarus closer to Russia. Now the EU has to focus not just on fostering democracy but on strengthening Belarusian society, which will help European interests in the long term. The EU should aim to help Belarus with a modernised form of nation building, engaging with civil society, offering assistance on economic reform, lowering the visa barrier, promoting knowledge of the EU and countering Russian propaganda.

The passage of the Uruguay Round implementing legislation represents a natural opportunity to review the policy goals of the U. S. import trade laws, to assess how well current laws achieve those objectives, and to explore possible reforms. I argue that there is a variety of policy concerns justifying a circumscribed set of import trade statuses. The relevant U. S. laws, however, have largely become divorced from such national welfare considerations and are now too often a mechanism for furtive protectionism. The Uruguay Round effected some (marginal) improvements but left the fundamental structure of the laws unchanged. I discuss possible reforms in the final section of the paper.

UNDER THE LAW NOW IN EFFECT, SOCIAL SECURITY BENEFITS FOR WORKERS RETIRING IN THE FUTURE TREND TO BE OVERADJUSTED EVERY TIME PRICES RISE AND UNDERADJUSTED EVERY TIME WAGE LEVELS RISE. AS A RESULT, THERE IS NO GUARANTEE THAT FUTURE SOCIAL SECURITY BENEFIT LEVELS WILL BEAR ANY REASONABLE RELATIONSHIP TO FUTURE PRERETIREMENT WAGE LEVELS.

Dieses neuartige Kompendium zum Hochschul- und Wissenschaftsrecht versteht sich als Handbuch für Wissenschaft und Praxis. Es legt einen Schwerpunkt auf die aktuellen Reformthemen (Stichworte: Bologna-Prozess, W-Besoldung, Reform der Hochschulorganisation) und wendet sich nicht nur an mit der Materie befasste Juristen sondern darüber hinaus auch an Hochschulangehörige aller Disziplinen sowie Praktiker des Hochschul- und Wissenschaftsrechts. Gesetzgebung, Rechtsprechung und Literatur sind bis November 2010 berücksichtigt.This new compendium of laws governing universities/higher education and research/scholarship is intended to be a handbook for scholarship and practice. In contrast to other legal works on the subject, here a stronger focus is placed on current reform topics such as the Bologna process and the W salary scale. This concise presentation of all laws governing universities/ higher education and research/scholarship is intended not only for jurists dealing with the subject matter but also for university staff from all disciplines.

As a result of the loan agreements that the Greek government has concluded in the past two years with the International Monetary Fund, the European Central Bank and the European Commission, a policy of internal devaluation has been adopted in an effort to avoid a default of the economy and to allow Greece to remain within the Eurozone. The structural reforms undertaken in line with the loan agreements have been based on the premise that labour market regulation in Greece constituted a significant barrier to growth. To that end, essential features of the Greek labour law system have been amended, with significant implications for the role of the state and for the industrial relations actors. The reforms are not distributionally neutral, but aim to liberalise further and to deregulate key parts of the labour market and industrial relations system, and reduce the size and influence of the welfare state. There is growing evidence that the reforms have led to the deterioration of working and living conditions, while failing to deliver growth. © Industrial Law Society; all rights reserved.

Abstract:This paper studies the state of the issue regarding the right to vote of non-EU foreigners in municipal elections and suggests new approaches in relation to the different aspects of the issue. It also proposes and analyzes the normative changes that could materialize as a result of this new conception. The constitutional clause of reciprocity does not oblige to exclude from the right foreigners from countries that do not fulfill the requirement, but only to take into account its concurrence when defining their regulatory regime. This interpretation of the reciprocity clause opens the door to a general attribution of the fundamental right by law, which obliges to study the possible inclusionin it of clauses that limit its scope. Finally, it is argued that the legislator cannot be given a broader scope of action when regulating the conditions of exercise of the right when it is exercised by a foreigner, which serves to challenge the constitutionality of the requirement of registration in the electoral census by personal application. ; Resumen:Este trabajo estudia el estado de la cuestión relativa al derecho al voto de los extranjeros no comunitarios en las elecciones municipales y sugiere nuevos enfoques en relación con las distintas vertientes del tema. Asimismo, propone y analiza los cambios normativos que podrían concretarse a raíz de esa nueva concepción. La cláusula constitucional de reciprocidad no obliga a excluir del derecho a los extranjeros procedentes de países que no cumplen el requisito, sino solo a tomar en consideración su concurrencia a la hora de definir su régimen normativo.Esta interpretación de la cláusula de reciprocidad abre las puertas a una atribución general del derecho fundamental mediante ley, lo que hace necesario estudiar la posible inclusión en ella de cláusulas que limiten su alcance. Finalmente se defiende que no se puede atribuir al legislador un margen de actuación más amplio al regular las condiciones de ejercicio del derecho cuando este es ejercido por un extranjero, lo que sirve para cuestionar la constitucionalidad de la exigencia de inscripción en el censo electoral a instancia de parte.Summary:1. Introduction. 2. The constitutional reciprocity clause. 2.1 Reciprocity as a requirement. 2.2 Towards a new interpretation of the constitutional clause. 3. The problem of the source of law. 3.1 The overcoming of the international treaty as a norm of attribution of the right. 3.2 On the possibility of limiting the scope of legal recognition of the right. 3.2.1 Exclusions on grounds of nationality. 3.2.2 The criterion based on the percentage of resident foreign population. 3.2.3 Theparticular cases of Ceuta and Melilla. 4. Conditions for the exercise of the right to vote of foreigners in municipal elections. 4.1 Limits to legislative action. 4.2 Critical analysis of the requirement of registration in the electoral census by personal application. Abstract:This paper studies the state of the issue regarding the right to vote of non-EU foreigners in municipal elections and suggests new approaches in relation to the different aspects of the issue. It also proposes and analyzes the normative changes that could materialize as a result of this new conception. The constitutional clause of reciprocity does not oblige to exclude from the right foreigners from countries that do not fulfill the requirement, but only to take into account its concurrence when defining their regulatory regime. This interpretation of the reciprocity clause opens the door to a general attribution of the fundamental right by law, which obliges to study the possible inclusionin it of clauses that limit its scope. Finally, it is argued that the legislator cannot be given a broader scope of action when regulating the conditions of exercise of the right when it is exercised by a foreigner, which serves to challenge the constitutionality of the requirement of registration in the electoral census by personal application.