Suchergebnisse

Cybercrime is the threat to national and international informational security. The objects of cyberthreats are economics security, critical information structure, information state sovereignty. All states admit necessity to take effective measures for anti-cybercrime in this time. Such organizations, as Commonwealth of Independent States, Collective Security Treaty Organization, Shanghai Cooperation Organization are to take active measures on counteracting cybercrime.Aim . The aim of this article is to define principal directions on effective counteracting cybercrime, including creation of law base on national, regional and international levels, measures for prevention cybercrime and development of international collaboration.Tasks. There are following tasks in this article: to define "cybercrime", categories of cybercrime and measures for prevention cybercrime, to analyze experience of member nations of the CIS and world law mechanism for cybercrime control.Methods. There is necessity to define terminology in accordance with the international standards for cybercrime control.Results . Member nations of the CIS are giving important attention to creation the law base for national and international security, and also Criminal Law about responsibility for cybercrime.The Model Law "On counteracting cybercrime" was adopted by Interparliamentary Assembly of the CIS on 14 Aprile 2023, which is the base of development of national legislation in sphere of cybercrime control.On 30 July 2021 Russia was carry in General Assembly of the United Nations the Project of Convention United Nations Countering the use of information and communications technologies for criminal purposes for creation of international law mechanism for anti-cybercrime.In the result of this research author is defined cybercrime and it's variety in accordance with international standards, and also principal directions of counteracting cybercrime in contemporary period.Conclusion. Implementation by member nations of the CIS of Model Law "On counteracting cybercrime" will allow unify national legislation and assist strengthening and extension international cooperation between these states on combating cybercrime.There is necessity to adopt such complex Federal Law "On counteracting cybercrime" and the Strategy on cybersecurity in Russia.

What is the role of memories for the expansion of international society? By drawing on the English School approach to International Relations this edited volume argues that the memories of empire and suzerainty are key to understanding sociological aspects of the expansion of anarchical society. The expert contributors adopt a socio-historic conceptualization of entry into international society, aiming to move beyond the legalist analysis, and also explore the impact of identity-constructions and collective memories on the expansion of international society. Empirically, the volume investigates the entry into international society of Belarus, Bulgaria, Greece, Poland, Serbia, Slovakia and Romania and studies memories that they activated along the way. While these memoires of bygone polities were used by state builders to make sense of international society and legitimise claims of the new entrants, they inadvertently also generated tensions and anxieties, which in many ways persist until this day. Both the theoretical angle and the empirical material presented in this volume are novel additions to the growing body of knowledge in historical International Relations. Exploring how memories and experiences of the past still complicate the entrants' positions in international society and to what degree ensuing tensions remain today, this volume will be of interest to students and scholars of European International Relations, particularly those with a focus on Eastern Europe. --

Between 1919 and 1941, an array of American businessmen, diplomats, missionaries, and private citizens hoped to bring American radio to China. Initiatives included efforts to establish Sino-American radio-telegraphy links across the Pacific, start shortwave broadcasts of American programming to China, support America broadcasting in China itself, increase sales of American radio equipment, and carve out a niche on China's airwaves for American missionary broadcasters. However, excessive faith in radio's influential powers to promote presumably mutually beneficial American economic and cultural expansion blinded many Americans to the complexities they faced. American radio ultimately magnified rather than mitigated the tensions that pit Americans against Chinese nationalists and Japanese imperialists in the years before the Pacific War. By drawing on scholarship in the history of technology, communications and media studies, and US foreign relations, this book's exploration into the relationship between technology, communications, and international relations is relevant to understanding today's globalizing world.

WORLD PEACE REQUIRES A CIVILIZED INTERNATIONAL ORDER IN WHICH ALL NATIONS ARE UNARMED AND CATEGORICALLY REJECT FORCE AS A MEANS OF SETTLING DISPUTES. SUCH A CIVILIZED ORDER PRE-SUPPOSES NEITHER A WORLD GOVERNMENT NOR A SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL JUSTICE. BECAUSE GOVERNMENTS ARE LIKELY TO OPPOSE SUCH AN ORDER, PEACE IS A TASK THAT PEOPLE MUST TAKE INTO THEIR OWN HANDS.

International audience ; This paper addresses 'cooperation' between the former combatants of the Kosovo Liberation Army and international actors in Kosovo following the adoption in 1999 of the Undertaking of Demilitarisation and Transformation by the Kosovo Liberation Army. Though the UN Resolution 1244 called for the dismantling of Albanian armed groups, the Undertaking actually created a new organisation, the Kosovo Protection Corps, which can be seen as a quasi-army and extension of the KLA. Far from being a typical achievement of the liberal peace, the KPC was the result of KLA resistance and a co-production of DDR policy in Kosovo. To understand some (generally underestimated) outcomes of the peacebuilding mission in Kosovo, one must turn to the 'political sociology of intervention', in particular by examining the interdependent 'strategic interactions' that took place between intermediary actors and international administrators. Former KLA combatants sought to promote their own agenda. Since peacebuilders required their cooperation to implement peace, they acceded to some KLA demands. As a result of this negotiation process, the KPC may be seen as a hybrid entity that permitted an alliance between, on the one hand, pragmatic combatants who had renounced armed struggle and transformed their organisation into political parties and, on the other, international administrators who favoured the stability of the peace mission. Consequently, international interventions produce substantial effects on the societies in which they take place, by reinforcing some groups and weakening other ones.

International audience ; This paper addresses 'cooperation' between the former combatants of the Kosovo Liberation Army and international actors in Kosovo following the adoption in 1999 of the Undertaking of Demilitarisation and Transformation by the Kosovo Liberation Army. Though the UN Resolution 1244 called for the dismantling of Albanian armed groups, the Undertaking actually created a new organisation, the Kosovo Protection Corps, which can be seen as a quasi-army and extension of the KLA. Far from being a typical achievement of the liberal peace, the KPC was the result of KLA resistance and a co-production of DDR policy in Kosovo. To understand some (generally underestimated) outcomes of the peacebuilding mission in Kosovo, one must turn to the 'political sociology of intervention', in particular by examining the interdependent 'strategic interactions' that took place between intermediary actors and international administrators. Former KLA combatants sought to promote their own agenda. Since peacebuilders required their cooperation to implement peace, they acceded to some KLA demands. As a result of this negotiation process, the KPC may be seen as a hybrid entity that permitted an alliance between, on the one hand, pragmatic combatants who had renounced armed struggle and transformed their organisation into political parties and, on the other, international administrators who favoured the stability of the peace mission. Consequently, international interventions produce substantial effects on the societies in which they take place, by reinforcing some groups and weakening other ones.

International audience ; This paper addresses 'cooperation' between the former combatants of the Kosovo Liberation Army and international actors in Kosovo following the adoption in 1999 of the Undertaking of Demilitarisation and Transformation by the Kosovo Liberation Army. Though the UN Resolution 1244 called for the dismantling of Albanian armed groups, the Undertaking actually created a new organisation, the Kosovo Protection Corps, which can be seen as a quasi-army and extension of the KLA. Far from being a typical achievement of the liberal peace, the KPC was the result of KLA resistance and a co-production of DDR policy in Kosovo. To understand some (generally underestimated) outcomes of the peacebuilding mission in Kosovo, one must turn to the 'political sociology of intervention', in particular by examining the interdependent 'strategic interactions' that took place between intermediary actors and international administrators. Former KLA combatants sought to promote their own agenda. Since peacebuilders required their cooperation to implement peace, they acceded to some KLA demands. As a result of this negotiation process, the KPC may be seen as a hybrid entity that permitted an alliance between, on the one hand, pragmatic combatants who had renounced armed struggle and transformed their organisation into political parties and, on the other, international administrators who favoured the stability of the peace mission. Consequently, international interventions produce substantial effects on the societies in which they take place, by reinforcing some groups and weakening other ones.