Suchergebnisse

Notwithstanding International Economic Law's (IEL's) inevitable distributional effects, IEL scholarship has had limited engagement with theoretical work on global distributive justice and fairness. In part this reflects the failure of global justice theorists to derive principles that can be readily applied to the concrete problems of IEL. This article bridges this gap, drawing on existing coercion-based accounts of global justice in political theory to propose a novel account of global distributive justice that both resolves problems within the existing theoretical literature and can be directly applied to both explain and critique concrete issues in IEL, including in particular WTO law. By complementing existing coercion-based accounts with a more nuanced typology of international coercion, it distinguishes two morally salient classes of economically relevant measures: External Trade Measures (ETMs), which pursue their goals specifically through the regulation of international economic activity; and Domestic Economic Measures (DEMs), which do not. The distinctive intentional relationship between ETMs and the outsiders they affect means such measures require more stringent justification, in terms of global equality or other goals those outsiders themselves share; whereas DEMs can be justified under the principle of self-determination. Non-Product Related Production Processes and Methods (NPRPPMs) provide a case study to show how this framework can illuminate recurring problems in IEL.

Obgleich die Disziplin der internationalen Beziehungen global sein will, bleibt sie allzu häufig von westlichen Wissenschaftlern dominiert. Doch wie kann internationale Politik anders gedacht werden? Welche Perspektiven ergeben sich auch für westliche WissenschaftlerInnen aus einem Perspektivwechsel? Und welche Herausforderungen bringt dies mit sich?

In May 2017, the Uluru Statement from the Heart was released, providing an Indigenous response to debates on recognition of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples in the Australian constitution. The document advocated for a "Makarrata Commission," which would oversee truth telling and agreement making. This essay analyzes the concept of Makarrata as it has emerged in the context of Indigenous–settler relations in Australia and argues for a deeper engagement of non-Indigenous people with Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander concepts and practices. By extending some of the methods of comparative political theory to incorporate endogenous as well as exogenous comparisons, the article demonstrates the ways in which Makarrata is likely to contribute to continuing contestation and disagreement between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples. While the Uluru Statement marked a significant point in the Australian recognition debate because it reflected a relatively consensual Indigenous message articulated on its own terms, the article suggests that "Makarrata" must not be appropriated into a benign settler discourse of reconciliation, if the concept's potential to inform substantive change in Indigenous–settler relations is to be realized.

After years of highlighting the importance of cyber elements to the battlefields of the 21st Century, many observers are perplexed to see how conventional the war in Ukraine seems to be. We argue, nonetheless, that the war in Ukraine is another step in an incipient shift in international relations and international security inextricably linked with the cyber era. The cyber era has ushered in a key change in the sense that companies, in addition to nation-states, now play a role with meaningful and substantial consequences for the geostrategic upshots of the conflict. Key elements in this new IR reality are formed in the vision and spirit of the tech titans – Google, Microsoft, Meta, Apple and Amazon. The cyber commons, which includes elements that had not existed as shortly as two decades ago, and that are almost purely a product of the inventiveness and entrepreneurship of the tech titans – such as cloud computing or social media – is now part and parcel of the way states identify themselves, recognize their friends and foes, protect themselves and attack others, and operate internally and externally.