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Although the United States has elected an African American president, since that election there have been numerous indicators that racism remains a persistent, and complex, issue in America. Shortly after President Obama took office, for example, renowned Harvard University professor Henry "Skip" Gates was arrested for being uncooperative with the responding officer when police mistook him for a burglar at his own home. This incident served as a small reminder of the resilient nature of racism in the United States. More importantly, there has been an increase in the number of hate groups since 2008, and the proposed plans for an Islamic cultural center near the site of the former World Trade Center have initiated a wave of anti-Islamic sentiment. Despite the hope that Barack Obama would usher in a new era in race relations, it seems as though his election has brought to the surface tensions that some people assumed had disappeared. Among scholars of black politics, race serves as the central construct. In some cases, race serves as a lens through which other variables such as class and gender are filtered. In other cases, race serves as the key independent variable explaining a number of factors that influence the lives of blacks. Each of the texts reviewed in this essay examines issues of race to varying degrees, and each one reveals the complex nature and long-lasting impact of race on American society.

AbstractAbortion's centrality to the Christian Right, together with that movement's importance to Republican Party politics, as well as the policy realities of abortion, have all combined to make regulating abortion a fixture within U.S. state politics for decades. While the levels and forms of state activity have varied since the 1980s, the Trump presidency has produced strategic changes in the content and perceived importance of abortion policy. Notably, recent changes in the state politics of abortion have not just been on the side of Republican states restricting abortion access, the most traditional and highest profile form of policy activity in this area, but have also taken the form of Democratic states actively defending abortion access. This article provides an overview of the interrelated changes in party politics, perceptions of political opportunities, and the content of state abortion regulations. It concludes that the frequency of state abortion laws has increased modestly during the Trump presidency, but substantive shifts in recent policies create the potential to fundamentally reorganize state and national abortion politics.

This article is an ethnographic investigation of mixing and flirting among ethnically divided youth in the Bosnian and Herzegovinian city of Mostar. Building on more than 18 months of ethnographic fieldwork and my already published works, I focus on how young people at the famous Mostar Gymnasium and beyond engage in flirting across ethnic lines to negotiate and eventually reassert boundaries and coordinates of difference. The article describes numerous discursive and non-discursive moments of flirting while smoking in the school's unisex bathrooms as well as on school trips. I focus on these instances of "weak power" to capture how youth come together and flirt, creating both palpable boundaries and points of convergence. These experiences simultaneously challenge and reinscribe the ethnicization of everyday life in post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Intro -- Title -- Copyright -- Foreword -- Contents -- Preface -- Mass media -- The Rudd-Gillard civil war -- The politics of smear -- Fixing Labor -- All about Abbott -- Economic policy -- Abstract Australia vs Applied Australia -- Too much sport is never enough -- The wry side.

AbstractThis article discusses Chaudhari Mulkiram (April 1910–August 1954) and the contesting ideologies, memories, histories, and socio-political conditions surrounding his career from the 1920s to the mid-1950s. Mulkiram belonged to the Dhangar, a sub-caste of the Khatik caste in Meerut. He was the first Dalit of the United Provinces (UP) who qualified for the Public Service Commission in 1939. This article shows his socio-religious and socio-political relations and responses to the Arya Samaj, Congress, and Scheduled Caste Federation. It reveals how the representatives of these agencies portrayed his life and work. This article also discusses how his relations and responses helped and influenced his caste members in the western UP. It argues that the Arya Samaj, Harijan Sevak Sangh, and Congress used the first generation of Dalit civil servants like Mulkiram to cultivate local leaders and to mobilize local Dalits, peasants, labourers, and villagers to act in their political interests against Ambedkar's movement. Hence, in the 1940s and early 1950s, Mulkiram presented himself as a Gandhi bhakt, Jan Neta (public leader), and Sanyasi (household monk and socio-religious reformer).

This master's thesis explores the stability and ramifications of two emergent categories of pornography: namely, feminist pornography and queer pornography. Though these terms—feminist and queer—have histories that connote resistance and disruption, they have been controlled and institutionalized in pornography to create a broader visibility and a deeper impact. These terms are analyzed in relation to two institutions that seek to control their meanings—the Feminist Porn Awards (FPAs) and PinkLabel.tv—and fourteen pornography studios that identify with either or both labels. I collected data from preexisting documents by implementing a content analysis. Two crucial findings suggest that 1) despite the foundational tenets of feminist and queer porn, as outlined by the FPAs and PinkLabel.tv, the studios did not always abide by them, and 2) strategic essentialism is a mode of temporarily fixing these categories to wield power in resistance to the naturalized mainstream power. Since this thesis is about categories and queering, two seemingly opposed ideologies, it is concerned with how categories are queered, and how the queer can be temporarily stabilized to render itself visible and potent, ultimately leaving a trace that can be analyzed and contextualized historically, leaving room for catalogers to amend and alter content to fit categories prone to transformation.

Faculty job satisfaction is undoubtedly important to provide quality education to the future graduates of the country. Supportive organizational climate and perceived organizational politics have huge impact on job satisfaction. Keeping that in mind this study explores the job satisfaction and its relationship with perceived organizational politics and supportive organizational climate. Sample of this study includes 105 faculty currently teaching in three different private higher education institutes in Thailand. Result of the study shows that faculty job satisfaction has significant positive relation with supportive organizational climate and significant negative relation with perceived organizational politics. However, no role of supportive organizational climate is found on job satisfaction-POP relationship. DOI:10.5901/mjss.2016.v7n5p396