Suchergebnisse

Architect Rem Koolhaas and his team from Harvard regard Lagos as an extreme and pathological form of the city in Africa and as a paradigmatic case of a modern avant-garde city. In rehabilitating the informality at work in Lagos, they put forward a romanticized vision of a self-regulatory system working outside state regulation and political influence. In this article I consider that the crisis of urban infrastructure in Lagos is less the result of the weakness of the Nigerian state than of a historical opposition between the Federal government and Lagos State leaders, especially concerning the allocation of resources to the city. I also suggest that informality and state decline analysis are inadequate theoretical frameworks for detailing the way Lagos has been planned or governed since the end of the colonial period. Instead, this article, based on empirical research covering local government, motor parks and markets, considers that the city's resources have been used to build political networks between state officials and a number of 'civil society' leaders. This process and the reinforcement of taxation in the last 30 years are not so much a manifestation of informality and state decline as part and parcel of the historical state formation in Nigeria and in Lagos. ; L'architecte Rem Koolhass et son équipe de Harvard voient en Lagos une forme extrême et pathologique de grande ville africaine et un cas typique de ville à l'avant-garde de la modernité. En réhabilitant l'informalité qui opère à Lagos, ils proposent une vision enjolivée d'un système autorégulateur fonctionnant hors de l'influence politique et réglementaire de l'État. Cet article considère qu'à Lagos, la crise de l'infrastructure urbaine résulte moins de la faiblesse de l'État nigérian que de l'opposition traditionnelle entre le gouvernement fédéral et les dirigeants de l'État de Lagos, notamment en matière de dotation de ressources à la ville. De plus, l'informalité et l'analyse du déclin de l'État se révèlent des cadres théoriques inappropriés si l'on veut préciser la manière dont Lagos a été aménagée ou administrée depuis la fin de l'ère coloniale. En revanche, à partir d'une étude empirique englobant gouvernement local, parcs de stationnement et marchés, cet article montre que les ressources municipales ont servi à tisser des réseaux politiques entre responsables de l'État et plusieurs personnalités de la 'société civile'. Cette démarche et l'accentuation des taxes au cours des trente dernières années ne sont pas tant la manifestation de l'informalité et du déclin de l'État qu'une composante de la formation de l'État au Nigéria et à Lagos.

In this first full-length study of legal monism, Paul Gragl advocates for the revival of legal monism as a solution to normative conflicts between different bodies of law. Using comprehensive and inter-disciplinary arguments, this book defends the theory against dualism and pluralism.

Väitöskirja koostuu viidestä aikaisemmasta julkaisusta ja laajasta yhteenveto-osasta. 1990-luvulla julkaistut artikkelit käsittelevät viestintäpolitiikkaa eteläisen Afrikan maissa ja erityisesti riippumattoman lehdistön roolia Afrikan maiden siirtyessä yksipuoluejärjestelmästä monipuoluedemokratiaan. Yhteenvetoartikkeli esittää tekijän kokemukseen ja laajaan kirjallisuuteen perustuvan katsauksen lehdistöön ensin yksipuolue- ja sotilasvaltioissa ja sitten monipuoluedemokratioissa, joissa lehdistö saa tärkeän tehtävän poliittisen järjestelmän uudistamisessa. Ratkaisevana tukena tälle demokratiaa tukevalle lehdistön tehtävälle ovat läntisen kehitysavun antajat. Afrikan lehdistön historiallinen käänne kohti monipuoluedemokratiaa tulee jatkumaan 2000-luvulla vanhan ja uuden politiikan vaikuttaessa rinta rinnan. Tutkimus antaa melko optimistisen kuvan siitä, miten lehdistö voi vaikuttaa ja on vaikuttanut monipuoluedemokratian läpimurtoon kehitysmaissa.

"In December of 2012 in Delhi, India a woman was gang raped, tortured, and inflicted with such bodily violence that she died as a result of the injuries. Her male companion was also severely beaten during the assault. The case caused massive public protests in Delhi and throughout the Indian subcontinent. These large scale public mobilizations lead to attempts to change national laws pertaining to sexual violence. One year after this case, The Supreme Court of India made the contentious decision to uphold Section 377 of the Indian Penal Code. Section 377, instituted by British colonizers dates back to 1860 and criminalizes sexual activities deemed to be "unnatural," namely same sex desire and queer people. In December of 2013, massive protests also occurred throughout India regarding this decision. Both these cases received worldwide media attention and lead to public demonstrations and debates regarding sexual politics throughout Asia and globally. There was a resilient refrain heard at many of the political protests that took place: Āzādī. Āzādī is loosely translated into freedom. Drawing on interviews done in the Indian subcontinent, this book suggests that while colonial violence haunts postcolonial sexualities, anti-colonial resistance also remains, echoing in the streets like the chorus of an old song Āzādī."--

This article makes the case that politics, understood as a particular kind of public action, presupposes a notion of time marked by the three temporal states of past, present, and future. Political deliberation and judgment are future‐oriented activities that, more or less explicitly, draw on the past for guidance. Aristotle's discussion of deliberative rhetoric in the Art of Rhetoric, which recognizes the inherent contingency of political decision making, is the classic treatment of the topic and is given some attention. Throughout western political theory this view of politics has been contested, most notably by figures such as Plato and Marx, whose respective attempts to transcend the contingency and unpredictability of politics, it will be argued, is connected to the endeavour to overcome the imperfections and conflicts bound up with the temporal order itself. Finally, the article examines two modern expressions of the desire to transcend politics in a timeless world of pure model building or universal morality. The first of these can be found in much contemporary neo‐classical economic theory, and the second in the a‐political politics of the international human rights movement.

Democracy cannot function if the public loses faith in politicians, and that faith will be lost if politicians abuse their power with impunity. This work analyses the criminal offence of misconduct in office, and explains how it should be used, along with other measures, to hold politicians to account for abuse of their position.

Discusses the proliferation of futuristic and post-apocalyptic works - something that has been going on for generations - and the wholesale rehabilitation of such 'genre' material for serious or serious seeming novels and movies. Adapted from the source document.

This chapter introduces political communication in Sweden with a particular focus on the most important developments during the last decade, and we discuss current main actors and structures and the dynamic interplay between voters, politics, and media. Important changes are taking place with regard to the party system, the media system, and voter behaviour, and the current transformations have various causes. On the supply side, no part of the Swedish society is untouched by the new opportunities offered by digitalisation and new media technology. The hybrid media system parallels news media and social media and blurs the lines between information and entertainment. Mass media companies converge to platform neutral digital media companies, and political parties navigate between traditional and digital communication channels in their efforts to reach voters. On the demand side, new media habits and media diets develop, more individual and fragmented than ever before.