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In this article we propose to address the opening of three Time Capsules to reconstruct three clearly identifiable contexts, each providing information for the analysis of what international relations between the Ottoman Empire/Turkey with Latin America have been like. In this way, we seek to analyze the content of the links through the density of the macro-relationships that developed over time, in order to make a cognitive map of the state of situation, taking into account not only the interests of the actors but also the endogenous and exogenous conditions. In that line are raised three contexts of opening the Capsules of Time. The first in 1923, when the Empire died and the Republic of Turkey was born; the second at the end of the 20th century; and the third in 2019, spanning almost the first two decades of the 21st century.

Canadian trade and investment in Latin America in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, an element of British world hegemony and its particular form of free-trade imperialism, laid the groundwork for Canada's first independent foreign policy toward Latin America. The Canadian state's articulation of its interest in Latin America in the 1940s was associated with the end of British hegemony and the rise of the United States as the new world hegemon. It is apparent that Canada's location as a wealthy though politically less powerful nation within the core of the capitalist world system dates to the late nineteenth century and that Canadian capitalists played a significant role in this articulation.El comercio de Canadá y la inversión en América Latina en el siglo XX y principios del XIX, característico de la hegemonía mundial británica y de su forma particular de imperialismo del libre comercio, sentó las bases de la primera política exterior independiente de Canadá hacia América Latina. La articulación del Estado canadiense de su interés en América Latina en la década de 1940 estuvo asociada con el fin de la hegemonía británica y el surgimiento de los Estados Unidos como potencia hegemónica del nuevo mundo. Es evidente que la ubicación de Canadá como una nación rica, aunque políticamente menos potente, en el centro del sistema capitalista mundial se remonta a finales del siglo XIX y que los capitalistas canadienses tuvieron un papel importante en esta articulación.

Cover -- Table of Contents -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1. Argentina -- 2. Chile -- 3. Colombia and Panama -- 4. Cuba -- 5. Haiti -- 6. Honduras -- 7. Mexico -- 8. Nicaragua -- 9. Paraguay -- 10. Peru -- 11. Puerto Rico -- 12. Santo Domingo/Dominican Republic -- 13. Uruguay -- Appendix A. Biographies -- Appendix B. Officers of the First Provisional Regiment, Nicaragua, 1909-1910 -- Appendix C. Officers at Coyotepe and Barranca, Nicaragua, 1912 -- Appendix D. The Roll of Honor -- Chapter Notes -- Bibliography -- Index.

AbstractOver recent decades, Latin America has seen its position in the world order erode. Its share of total world exports has significantly declined. A broad opening to foreign investment has economically depressed many local initiatives, and the region's economic growth is now largely dependent upon foreign capital. Nevertheless, an incipient trend has become established that reflects a change in preference for foreign capital destinations, shaped by the degree to which a science-technology base is present. This draws attention to the fact that tax facilities, proximity to markets, and cheap labor are insufficient factors to guarantee the cycle of capital, since what stands out is the outgoing transfer of the innovation activity itself. Latin American governments have done little to build an attractive science-technology platform that could allow our countries to join these rapidly growing chains of commodity production. This ultimately suggests that greater exclusion is to be expected. In this article, the case of Mexico is highlighted as an example of these trends.

ABSTRACT Using data of selected economies of Latin America for the period 1990-2017, this paper aims to provide empirical evidence regarding the effect of disaggregate government spending in the exchange rate. Our results indicate that government investment depreciates the exchange rate whereas government consumption, on the other hand, appreciates it. Both effects are, however, rather small. Our findings support recent literature showing that the relationship among government spending and the exchange rate is ambiguous, challenging the general accepted idea that government spending inevitably appreciates the exchange rate, having thus negative effects on the tradable sector and on growth. Overall, our results allow us to suggest that growth can be stimulated particularly via government investment without detrimental effects on the exchange rate.

"The Emergence of China: Opportunities and Challenges for Latin America and the Caribbean provides a comprehensive overview of China's economic policy and performance over recent decades and contrasts them with the Latin American experience. What are the underlying factors behind China's competitive edge? What are the strategic implications of China's rise for growth and development in Latin America? These questions open new avenues for thinking about revitalizing development strategies in Latin America in the face of China's successful development and reduction of poverty. This insightful report is a must-read for analysts, policymakers, and development practitioners, not only in Latin America and the Caribbean, but wherever China's presence is being felt."--Jacket

This study examines the political determinants of foreign direct investment (FDI) across 15 Latin American countries from 1986 to 2006. In contrast to existing scholarship, we focus on the causes of investment by economic sector-primary resources, manufacturing, and services. Additionally, a regional focus on Latin America helps to control for omitted variables by comparing relatively similar countries. We find substantial variation in the causes and characteristics of FDI across sector. Specifically, manufacturing investment is volatile and attracted to less democratic regimes. In contrast, investment in primary resources privileges greater democracy and property rights protection, while FDI in services is associated with public fiscal responsibility. These results yield important theoretical and practical implications for scholars and policymakers throughout the region. Adapted from the source document.

This paper proposes to understand a singular but salient factor that enables the wealthy to deflect their tax burden downwards: elites' political leverage to shape legislation via their capacity to influence political actors and policy outcomes. The analysis sheds light on alternative mechanisms used by economic elites over time and space. Our analysis of the political economy of taxing upper-income groups in Chile and Uruguay reveals the importance of continuous political agency on the part of organized elite interest groups. Our results show how even centre-left parties competing on a redistributive programmatic platform confront and concede to the interests of wealthy elites, especially when sustained interaction between political leaders and economic elites becomes routinized in the long run.

All Latin America and the Caribbean countries have ratified the Paris Agreement, which aims to limit global warming to between 1.5C and 2C above pre-industrial levels. Those goals require reaching net-zero carbon dioxide emissions by around 2050 and substantial reductions of CO2 emissions by 2030. Getting to Net-Zero Emissions takes stock of the lessons learnt from the experiences of country teams implementing the ongoing IDB-led Deep Decarbonization Pathways in Latin America and the Caribbean Project and proposes approaches to developing and delivering long-term pathways to net-zero emissions by 2050. The report shows the essential role played by long-term strategies in terms of identifying and planning the deployment of the infrastructure and policy packages necessary to ensure a just transition towards a net-zero emission economy. Long-term strategies will help governments anticipate fiscal and financial costs, manage trade-offs, minimize social impacts, and define the sequence of policy reforms and investment priorities required to deliver a carbon-neutral future. The design of long-term strategies by 2020 in line with the timeline envisaged in the context of the Paris Agreement can guide the establishment of more ambitious Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and minimize stranded assets and associated costs. Long-term strategies are an essential instrument, both to contribute to the redirection of public and private investments, and to guide the dialogue with development institutions seeking to support sustainable and inclusive development. By reading this report, we hope that decision makers and technicians will gain insights into how to deliver decarbonization successfully. ; Todos los países de América Latina y el Caribe han ratificado el Acuerdo de París, cuyo objetivo es limitar el calentamiento global a entre 1.5C y 2C por encima de los niveles preindustriales. Esos objetivos requieren alcanzar cero emisiones netas de dióxido de carbono para el año 2050 y reducciones sustanciales de las emisiones de otros gases de efecto de invernadero. Este informe compila lecciones aprendidas de las experiencias de los equipos en los países que implementan el proyecto Rutas de Descarbonización Profunda en América Latina y el Caribe (DDPLAC) liderado por el BID. El informe muestra el papel esencial que desempeñan las estrategias a largo plazo en términos de identificación de infraestructura y políticas públicas necesarias para garantizar una transición justa hacia una economía de cero emisiones netas. Las estrategias a largo plazo ayudarán a los gobiernos a identificar las transformaciones requeridas para descarbonizar y los beneficios económicos asociados tanto al uso de tecnologías modernas y más eficientes y a las sinergias entre descarbonización y desarrollo económico. Las estrategias a largo plazo también permiten anticipar y gestionar los costos fiscales y financieros, minimizar y compensar posibles impactos sociales, y definir una secuencia de reformas de políticas e inversiones públicas necesarias para lograr un futuro neutral en carbono. El diseño de estrategias a largo plazo en el 2020, en línea con el cronograma previsto en el contexto del Acuerdo de París, puede apoyar el establecimiento de Contribuciones Determinadas Nacionalmente (NDC) más ambiciosas que minimicen los activos abandonados y los costos asociados. Finalmente, las estrategias a largo plazo son un instrumento esencial para guiar el diálogo con los organismos internacionales de cooperación y desarrollo que buscan apoyar el desarrollo sostenible e inclusivo. Al leer este informe, esperamos que los tomadores de decisiones y los técnicos obtengan información sobre cómo cumplir con el imperativo de la descarbonización de manera que mejore las vidas de los latinoamericanos y caribeños.

This paper provides an analysis of the evolution of engagement and trade between Australia and Latin America. These regions are seen as competitors, but trade and engagement has recently increased. We examined this growth from the 1970s, by analysing trade, foreign direct investment, and migration and tourism flows. This article investigates how both parts of the world have engaged and dealt with international conflicts, either in terms of diplomatic or multilateral cooperation. The paper concludes that there are many possible channels for cooperation and further trade and engagement open to both.

This paper investigates the relationship between International Monetary Fund (IMF)-sponsored economic programs and contentious collective action in Latin America from 1980 to 2007, hypothesizing a positive relationship between participation in IMF programs and the likelihood of social protest. Specifically, we suggest that people in recipient countries protest the unpopular IMF mandates not only because of the negative effects that orthodox economic policies have on their livelihood, but mainly because they perceive a loss of legitimacy and question the sovereignty of their domestic governments. That is, deciding to participate in an IMF program can make governments more prone to being perceived as caving in to the pressures of international agents, increasing the likelihood of contentious collective action. Results from two-stage negative binomial selection models provide strong statistical support for our main hypothesis, remaining robust to different specifications of the second-stage equation and other procedures that correct for potential statistical problems.