Suchergebnisse

This study evaluates the impact of introducing Maternity Capital (MC) programchild subsidy of 250,000 Rub (7,150 euros or 10,000 USD, in 2007) for giving birthto /adopting 2nd and subsequent children since January 2007. The reform madeit possible for eligible Russian families to allocate these funds to improve family housing conditions, to sponsor children education, or to invest them in mother's retirement fund. The objective of this study is to evaluate the impact of the MC claim eligibility on various child outcomes and household-level consumption patterns. Using data from representative Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey 2011-2017,I test regression discontinuity models and find no significant difference in health, educational and well-being outcomes between children raised in MC claim eligible and ineligible families. In addition, no such differences were found in terms of household-level dietary habits and preferences. The results are robust to different and functional, semi- and non-parametric RDD specifications.

This study evaluates the impact of introducing Maternity Capital (MC) programchild subsidy of 250,000 Rub (7,150 euros or 10,000 USD, in 2007) for giving birthto /adopting 2nd and subsequent children since January 2007. The reform madeit possible for eligible Russian families to allocate these funds to improve family housing conditions, to sponsor children education, or to invest them in mother's retirement fund. The objective of this study is to evaluate the impact of the MC claim eligibility on various child outcomes and household-level consumption patterns. Using data from representative Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey 2011-2017,I test regression discontinuity models and find no significant difference in health, educational and well-being outcomes between children raised in MC claim eligible and ineligible families. In addition, no such differences were found in terms of household-level dietary habits and preferences. The results are robust to different and functional, semi- and non-parametric RDD specifications.

Since the beginning of the REDD+ mechanism, hundreds of projects have emerged around the globe. Much attention has been given to REDD+ projects in the literature, but the con- ditions under which they are likely to be effective are still not well known. In particular, the location bias concept states that projects are more likely to be implemented in remote areas, where development pressure is low, and hence questions their additionality. In this article, we revisit this concept, trying to assess the process of REDD+ projects implementation and its influence on project additionality. First, a simple theoretical model shows that project implementation is influenced by the type of project proponent, which appears to be a good proxy for its objectives, whether oriented toward environmental impacts, development impacts, or external funding. Our results suggest that (1) the project proponents objective and local institutions may lead the project proponent to select a community with low development potential, and (2) the selection of a low-development potential, which is frequently presented as a location bias, does not necessarily preclude additionality. Those predictions are empirically tested on a sample of six REDD+ projects in Brazil. We propose an empirical analysis of the location choices and estimate additionality in the first years of implementation using impact evaluation techniques. The results confirm the predictions of the model.

Since the beginning of the REDD+ mechanism, hundreds of projects have emerged around the globe. Much attention has been given to REDD+ projects in the literature, but the con- ditions under which they are likely to be effective are still not well known. In particular, the location bias concept states that projects are more likely to be implemented in remote areas, where development pressure is low, and hence questions their additionality. In this article, we revisit this concept, trying to assess the process of REDD+ projects implementation and its influence on project additionality. First, a simple theoretical model shows that project implementation is influenced by the type of project proponent, which appears to be a good proxy for its objectives, whether oriented toward environmental impacts, development impacts, or external funding. Our results suggest that (1) the project proponents objective and local institutions may lead the project proponent to select a community with low development potential, and (2) the selection of a low-development potential, which is frequently presented as a location bias, does not necessarily preclude additionality. Those predictions are empirically tested on a sample of six REDD+ projects in Brazil. We propose an empirical analysis of the location choices and estimate additionality in the first years of implementation using impact evaluation techniques. The results confirm the predictions of the model.

This study evaluates the impact of introducing Maternity Capital (MC) programchild subsidy of 250,000 Rub (7,150 euros or 10,000 USD, in 2007) for giving birthto /adopting 2nd and subsequent children since January 2007. The reform madeit possible for eligible Russian families to allocate these funds to improve family housing conditions, to sponsor children education, or to invest them in mother's retirement fund. The objective of this study is to evaluate the impact of the MC claim eligibility on various child outcomes and household-level consumption patterns. Using data from representative Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey 2011-2017,I test regression discontinuity models and find no significant difference in health, educational and well-being outcomes between children raised in MC claim eligible and ineligible families. In addition, no such differences were found in terms of household-level dietary habits and preferences. The results are robust to different and functional, semi- and non-parametric RDD specifications.

Since the beginning of the REDD+ mechanism, hundreds of projects have emerged around the globe. Much attention has been given to REDD+ projects in the literature, but the con- ditions under which they are likely to be effective are still not well known. In particular, the location bias concept states that projects are more likely to be implemented in remote areas, where development pressure is low, and hence questions their additionality. In this article, we revisit this concept, trying to assess the process of REDD+ projects implementation and its influence on project additionality. First, a simple theoretical model shows that project implementation is influenced by the type of project proponent, which appears to be a good proxy for its objectives, whether oriented toward environmental impacts, development impacts, or external funding. Our results suggest that (1) the project proponents objective and local institutions may lead the project proponent to select a community with low development potential, and (2) the selection of a low-development potential, which is frequently presented as a location bias, does not necessarily preclude additionality. Those predictions are empirically tested on a sample of six REDD+ projects in Brazil. We propose an empirical analysis of the location choices and estimate additionality in the first years of implementation using impact evaluation techniques. The results confirm the predictions of the model.

Since the beginning of the REDD+ mechanism, hundreds of projects have emerged around the globe. Much attention has been given to REDD+ projects in the literature, but the con- ditions under which they are likely to be effective are still not well known. In particular, the location bias concept states that projects are more likely to be implemented in remote areas, where development pressure is low, and hence questions their additionality. In this article, we revisit this concept, trying to assess the process of REDD+ projects implementation and its influence on project additionality. First, a simple theoretical model shows that project implementation is influenced by the type of project proponent, which appears to be a good proxy for its objectives, whether oriented toward environmental impacts, development impacts, or external funding. Our results suggest that (1) the project proponents objective and local institutions may lead the project proponent to select a community with low development potential, and (2) the selection of a low-development potential, which is frequently presented as a location bias, does not necessarily preclude additionality. Those predictions are empirically tested on a sample of six REDD+ projects in Brazil. We propose an empirical analysis of the location choices and estimate additionality in the first years of implementation using impact evaluation techniques. The results confirm the predictions of the model.

Since the beginning of the REDD+ mechanism, hundreds of projects have emerged around the globe. Much attention has been given to REDD+ projects in the literature, but the con- ditions under which they are likely to be effective are still not well known. In particular, the location bias concept states that projects are more likely to be implemented in remote areas, where development pressure is low, and hence questions their additionality. In this article, we revisit this concept, trying to assess the process of REDD+ projects implementation and its influence on project additionality. First, a simple theoretical model shows that project imple-mentation is influenced by the type of project proponent, which appears to be a good proxy for its objectives, whether oriented toward environmental impacts, development impacts, or external funding. Our results suggest that (1) the project proponents objective and local institutions may lead the project proponent to select a community with low development potential, and (2) the selection of a low-development potential, which is frequently presented as a location bias, does not necessarily preclude additionality. Those predictions are empirically tested on a sample of six REDD+ projects in Brazil. We propose an empirical analysis of the location choices and estimate additionality in the first years of implementation using impact evaluation techniques. The results confirm the predictions of the model.

Wie lassen sich Glück und Nachhaltigkeit verbinden? Um die gegenwärtige ressourcenintensive Lebensweise zu überwinden, braucht es neue Leitbilder von subjektivem Wohlbefinden, die das gute Leben jenseits von Produktion und Konsum verorten. Die bisherige Debatte um Suffizienz und Postwachstum ist dabei vor allem von asketischen Idealen geprägt, welche für die Mehrzahl der Menschen nicht attraktiv erscheinen. Als eine vielversprechende Variante entwickelt Jochen Dallmer das Modell eines aufgeklärten Hedonismus, welcher das Streben nach subjektivem Wohlbefinden zu einem Beitrag für Nachhaltigkeit werden lässt.

Low fertility and childlessness have been largely interpreted as being driven by the same mechanisms, although they may be qualitatively different phenomena. The present article discusses this assumption and studies determinants of childlessness by comparing them with determinants of low fertility. Drawing on micro-level data from the European Labour Force Survey (2005-2010) and macro-level data from external data sources, it enters the debate on the micro- and macro-determinants of fertility and childlessness by analysing women who live with or without children when they are 35-39 years old. By means of a series of multilevel models, it discusses the moderating role of the institutional and normative context in the link between individual characteristics and childlessness, and it analyses the extent to which micro- and macro-level determinants of childlessness differ from factors associated with low-fertility. The results indicate that the macro-level factors associated with individual childlessness are similar to those identified in the literature on low fertility. However, interesting differences emerge in how reconciliation and family support policies relate on childlessness and low-fertility across different groups of women. Overall, these findings highlight the importance to study childlessness as a phenomenon on its own, distinguishing its determinants from determinants of (low) fertility.

Yugoslavia was a union of countries at the crossroads of cultures, rich in diversity, bringing together heterogeneous populations with very different demographic transition pathways, particularly with respect to fertility. This paper studies the trends and patterns of cohort fertility in former Yugoslav countries, similarities and differences between the countries, and their possible clustering. Do former Yugoslav countries exhibit persistent diversity to this day, or is there convergence in terms of cohort fertility behaviour? If so, what might account for this homogeneity within Yugoslavia's heterogeneity? We trace how fertility behaviour changed from the turn of the twentieth century, when Yugoslav countries began their progression from agrarian into industrial capitalist societies. We consider the factors related to a rapid transformation to socialist modernity after 1945 and proceed to investigate the federation's breakup and the successor states' transitions to market economies in the early 1990s. Our study thus covers a century of socioeconomic and fertility developments within the region. We analyse census data on children born by means of the completed cohort fertility rate, parity progression ratios, and parity composition. Our results show that while fertility levels decreased in all former Yugoslav republics, this happened at different speeds and taking different paths. Parity progression to higher birth orders was particularly responsible for this development, as well as for the differences and similarities between the respective republics. Former Yugoslav republics are clustered into three groups, where Croatia, Slovenia, and Serbia form the low fertility group, and Bosnia-Herzegovina, North Macedonia, and Montenegro belong to a higher fertility group. Kosovo remains a special case with exceptionally high fertility in the European context. We conclude that this clustering stems from a complex interplay of historical, political, economic and social factors.

Cet article a fait l'objet d'un WP SMART-LERECO n°19-06, voir lien ; The European Union (EU) has, since a long time, an important role in the international livestock industry chains, both in terms of production and trade. In spite of a strong restructuring movement, mainly due to factor productivity gains, European livestock brings together farms that are still very heterogeneous in terms of productive combinations, size, social structuring, intensification and economic performance. To report on it, andbased on data issued from the Farm Accountancy Data Network (FADN), an analysis of the diversity of structural and economic situations is conducted for farms specializing in the production of milk, beef and pigs/poultry, for the ten most productive EU Member States in animal production. This stage is a prerequisite for reflection, which begins after on the main levers of the economic performance of European animal productions. Two types of levers are then distinguished. The first concerns "cost competitiveness". It successively discusses the substitutions between factors of production, the economies of scale, the geographical concentration of production, the structuring of sectors and the influence of agricultural policies. The second concerns "non-cost competitiveness". It deals with the sanitary quality of animal productions, the differentiation of products and production processes, and the conditions for the capturing of added value induced by producers. ; L'Union Européenne (UE) occupe, et depuis longtemps, une place importante dans les activités d'élevage à l'échelle internationale, tant en termes de production que de participation aux échanges. En dépit d'un puissant mouvement de restructuration, imputable surtout aux gains de productivité des facteurs, l'élevage européen rassemble des exploitations agricoles encore très hétérogènes en termes de combinaisonsproductives, de taille, de structuration sociale, d'intensification et de performances économiques. Pour en rendre compte, et partant des données du ...

Cet article a fait l'objet d'un WP SMART-LERECO n°19-08, voir lien ; Animal production accounts for 16 % of the international agri-food trade. The growing imbalance between supply and demand for animal products in Asian countries, where consumption is growing, particularly in China, is boosting trade for the benefit of the major exporting countries: the European Union (EU), the United States, New Zealand, Brazil and Australia. While this development offers trade opportunities for structurally surplus countries, purchases are not always consistent from year to year and price competition is very strong, although some countries havequalitative requirements. The EU, which has a surplus in dairy products and pig meat, but is deficient (in value) in beef and poultry meat, is the world's largest exporter of animal products (with 22 % of the total, excluding intra-EU trade in 2016). This article deals with the evolution of trade in animal products using customs statistics data (BACI and COMEXT) from 2000 to 2016. It presents the evolution of international trade for different types of goods (dairy products, beef, pig meat, poultry meat) and highlights the trade trajectories of the main deficit countries (China, Japan and Russia) and the main surplus countries (India, Australia, New Zealand, Brazil, the United States and the EU). ; Les productions animales représentent 16 % du commerce agroalimentaire international. Le déséquilibre croissant entre l'offre et la demande de produits animaux dans les pays asiatiques où la consommation progresse, surtout en Chine, stimule les échanges au bénéfice des grands pays exportateurs que sont l'Union Européenne (UE), les États-Unis, la Nouvelle-Zélande, le Brésil et l'Australie. Si cette évolution offre desopportunités commerciales pour les pays structurellement excédentaires, les achats ne sont pas toujours réguliers d'une année à l'autre et la concurrence par les prix est très forte, même si certains pays ont des exigences qualitatives. L'UE, qui est excédentaire en produits ...

The European Union (EU) has, since a long time, an important role in the international livestockindustry chains, both in terms of production and trade. In spite of a strong restructuringmovement, mainly due to factor productivity gains, European livestock brings together farmsthat are still very heterogeneous in terms of productive combinations, size, social structuring,intensification and economic performance. To document this, data from the Farm AccountancyData Network (FADN) is used to analyze the diversity of structural and economic situations offarms specializing in the production of milk, beef and pigs/poultry, for the ten most productiveEU Member States in animal production. This step is necessary for identifying the main leversfor improving the economic performance of European animal productions. Two types of leversare distinguished. The first concerns the « cost competitiveness ». It refers successively to thesubstitution of production factors, economies of scale, the geographical concentration ofproduction, the structuring of production chains and the impact of agricultural policies. Thesecond concerns the « non-cost competitiveness ». It covers the sanitary quality of animalproductions, the differentiation of products and production processes, and the requiredconditions for farmers to capture some of the generated value-added. ; L'Union Européenne (UE) occupe, et depuis longtemps, une place importante dans les activités d'élevage à l'échelle internationale, tant en termes de production que de participation aux échanges. En dépit d'un puissant mouvement de restructuration, imputable surtout aux gains de productivité des facteurs, l'élevage européen rassemble des exploitations agricoles encore très hétérogènes en termes de combinaisons productives, de taille, de structuration sociale, d'intensification et de performances économiques. Pour en rendre compte, et partant des données du Réseau d'Information Comptable Agricole (RICA), une analyse de la diversité des situations structurelles et économiques est ...

Animal production accounts for 16% of international agri-food trade. The growing imbalancebetween supply and demand for animal products in Asian countries, where consumption isgrowing, particularly in China, stimulates trade for the benefit of the major exporting countries:the European Union (EU), the United States, New Zealand, Brazil and Australia. While thisdevelopment offers trade opportunities for countries with a structural surplus, purchasesfluctuate from year to year and price competition is very strong, despite the qualitativerequirements of some countries. The EU, which has a positive trade balance in dairy productsand pork, but a negative one (in monetary terms) in beef and poultry meat, is the world's largestexporter of animal products (with 22% of the extra-EU trade in 2016). This article analyses theevolution of trade in animal products using customs statistics data (BACI and COMEXT) from2000 to 2016. It presents the evolution of international trade for different types of goods (dairyproducts, beef, pork, poultry meat) and highlights the trade trajectories (patterns) of the mainnet importing countries (China, Japan and Russia) and net exporting countries (India, Australia,New Zealand, Brazil, the United States and the EU). ; Les productions animales représentent 16% du commerce agroalimentaire international.Le déséquilibre croissant entre l'offre et la demande de produits animaux dans les paysasiatiques où la consommation progresse, surtout en Chine, stimule les échanges au bénéficedes grands pays exportateurs que sont l'Union européenne (UE), les Etats-Unis, la Nouvelle-Zélande, le Brésil et l'Australie. Si cette évolution offre des opportunités commerciales pourles pays structurellement excédentaires, les achats ne sont pas toujours réguliers d'une année àl'autre et la concurrence par les prix est très forte, même si certains pays ont des exigencesqualitatives. L'UE, qui est excédentaire en produits laitiers et en viande porcine, mais déficitaire(en valeur) en viande bovine et en viande de ...