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Abstract
This article discusses the challenges and potential policy choices for levying progressive taxes and taxing the rich in Latin America, a region known for its high-income inequality, limited tax-collection capacity, and low share of taxes collected from personal income and wealth. Factors such as high exemption thresholds, low top marginal tax rates, and limited administrative capacity undermine the redistributive ability and revenue collection of the tax systems in the region. Moreover, the income composition for the top percentiles largely comes from capital, and the effective tax rates they face are often low due to the preferential treatment of capital income and wealth. After discussing the evidence of how the rich in Latin America respond to progressive taxes on income and wealth and changes in enforcement policy, we provide some insights on potential policy choices to tax them effectively. These may include broadening the income tax base by lowering the number of exempt and non-taxable income items and the statutory exemption thresholds, reevaluating preferential tax rates on capital income, monitoring foreign income, addressing the abuse of tax treatment by business earners, and enhancing tax administration capacity. Additionally, wealth taxes may complement the tax system with updates to property registers and scrutiny of foreign assets.

We define in section 1 our notion of land reform, on section 2, the most important social and political movements of land reform in Latin America are presented. On section 3 we use a theoretical model in the context of economic growth with human capital learning-by-doing to evaluate land reforms. Section 4, discusses the results. Section 5 presents some economic efficiency estimates for the "Cédula" project of 2000 in NE Brazil - a market led land bill project, sponsored by the World Bank (WB) and the Ministry of Agricultural Development (MDA). Finally, section 6 concludes, and section 7 presents the references.

This article addresses the consequences of economic sanctions for the protection of human rights in Latin America. The literature on sanctions and compliance informs three hypotheses, which investigate the relationship between sanctions and the level of rights protection in two groups of countries: those that were targeted by sanctions and those that were not. Using data from the Political Terror Scale (PTS) and from Freedom House, I find empirical evidence that sanctions do improve the level of protection in countries that were not targeted. This finding can be explained by the deterrent effect attributed to sanctions by the compliance literature, broadly interpreted. The presence of economic sanctions in a given year increases the probability of observing better human rights practices by almost 50%. These results hold for the 12 Latin American countries that were not subject to economic sanctions for the period 1976-2004.

The essays in this volume describe, analyse and compare the achievements and the failures of societies that adopted market-based economies within a democratic polity after a long period of communist rule (Russia and Eastern Europe) or military authoritarianism (Latin America). Together, they also trace the rocky course of liberal economic policies over the whole twentieth century

Section 1. Introduction -- Open fields of Latin American women footballers, Jorge Knijnik -- Section 2: Argentina -- From public parks to the Parc des Princes: A turning point in Argentine women's football and women's rights, Nemesia Hijós, Gabriela Garton and Verónica Moreira -- "A nutmeg to patriarchy and oppression." La Coordinadora Sin Fronteras de Fútbol Feminista and women's fight for the right to football in Argentina, Julia Hang and Matthew Hawkins -- Healthy woman 'in non-football corpore': Football and femininity in the Argentine capital in the 1920's, Pablo Ariel Scharagrodsky -- La Nuestra Fútbol Feminista: strategies for collective empowerment, Belén Bramanti, Jimena Aon, Juliana Roman Lozano, María José Figueroa, Mónica Santino and Paula Korsakas -- Section 3: Colombia -- Power, policy and priorities: The experiences of Colombian women playing football, Sophie Legros, Sarah Oxford and Ana Margarita Salas de la Hoz -- An oral history of women's football in Colombia: building tools for collective action, Gabriela Ardila Biela -- Travels, time and gender among female football fans in Colombia, María Teresa Salcedo and Ómar Rivera -- We were there: the life history of three international women referees in the Colombian Men's Professional Football League, Eizabeth Oviedo -- Section 4: Mexico -- Grassroots Networks and the Survival of Women's Football in Mexico, 1971-1991, Joshua Nadel -- Fighting from the bleachers: women, feminism and barras Mexicanas, Claudia Pedraza Bucio -- Transgression and resistance: An approach to the history of Mexican women's football through the case of Alicia Vargas, Giovanni Alejandro Pérez Uriarte -- Women lecturers scoring goals: football and gender in the Mexican academia, Emilio Gerzaín Manzo Lozano, Ciria Margarita Salazar and Isela Guadalupe Ramos Carranza -- Section 5: Chile and Uruguay -- Gather as a collective to assert one's rights: example of the Association of Chilean Women Players (ANJUFF), Alison Hernandez, Cassandre Rivrais, Cécile Ottogalli-Mazzacavallo, Virginie Nicaise and Guillaume Bodet -- Gender and football in South America: a critical analysis of the 2008 U20 Chile Women's World Cup, Miguel Cornejo Améstica and Carlos Matus Castillo -- Absence of women in the history of Uruguayan football: Myth or Reality?, Bruno Mora Pereyra and Diego Alsina Machado -- Uruguayan women's football narratives: resistance stories and new perspectives, Evelise Amgarten Quitzau and Martina Pastorino Barcia -- Section 6: Bolivia, Venezuela Costa Rica and Cuba -- Bolivian women as professional footballers: the voice and the feminism of the karimachus, Eliana Aguilar Aguilar and Ana Alcazár Campos -- Socio-Political Dynamic of Women's Participation in Football in Venezuela, Rosa López de D´Amico and Lesbia Verenzuela -- Mainstream media and women's football in Costa Rica, Ma Antonieta Ozols Rosales and Ma Antonieta Corrales Araya -- Women's football in Cuba. Its history, realities and perspectives, Marta Cañizares Hernández and Jesús Jorge Pereira León -- Section 7: Latin American conversations -- Has the Latin American Title IX arrived? The impact of the CONMEBOL institutional incentive regulations on South America's football landscape, Fernando Augusto Starepravo, Giovanna Xavier de Moura, Felipe Canan -- Football Gender studies in Latin America: the journey ahead us, Jorge Knijnik.

During the past fifteen years, financial markets in Latin America have experienced a major transformation. This process and its effects on the nature of risks and policy challenges in Latin America were the focus of a May 2007 conference in Mexico City sponsored by the Representative Office for the Americas of the Bank for International Settlements and the Americas Center of the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta. This article summarizes the papers presented at the conference as well as the discussions among participants from central banks, finance ministries, multilateral institutions, academia, and the private sector. In the first conference session, participants examined the shift from crossborder financing toward domestic financing, which has allowed domestic capital markets to expand and become deeper, more diversified, and less dependent on bank financing. The development of domestic bond markets and the resulting policy challenges were the focus of two conference sessions. Issues discussed included the benefits for sovereigns of issuing in local currency, the pros and cons of doing so in domestic vis-à-vis international markets, the criteria for determining whether to issue domestically or cross-border, the status of private markets, the role of structured finance, and whether developing these markets remains a policy objective for de-dollarizing the region's economies. In the final sessions, participants debated the implications that new financial markets have for monetary policysuch as markets' effect on policy transmission and the authorities' role in developing these marketsand for financial stability.

Este autor toma en cuenta para su análisis las tendencias evolutivas del sistema internacional actual, las diferentes situaciones que confrontan los países latinoamericanos y las características y consecuencias del actual proceso de globalización. En el contexto internacional, habla de una semi hegemonía de Estados Unidos, en especial en los terrenos económico, tecnológico y militar, y sus áreas de mayor influencia serían América Latina, Asia y África. En la lectura que hace de los procesos de integración al interior del hemisferio americano, ve muchas dificultades a la hora de constituir un sistema panamericano de libre comercio debido a la gigantesca asimetría entre la economía más competitiva del mundo y las sub-competitivas economías de América Latina, que llevaría a estas últimas al nivel de productos primarios o de commodities de bajo valor agregado. Mientras tanto, los productos de alto valor agregado, producidos en Estados Unidos, tendrían libre acceso a los mercados latinoamericanos, eliminando su sub competitiva competencia. ; The author takes into account for his analysis of evolutionary trends in current international system, the different situations faced by Latin American countries and the characteristics and consequences of the current globalization process. In the international context, speaks about a semi U.S. hegemony, especially in the economic, technological and military aspects, and their areas of greatest influence would be Latin America, Asia and Africa. In the reading that he makes about the integration processes within the american inner hemisphere, he sees many difficulties to establish a pan-American free trade because the huge asymmetry between the world's most competitive economy and subcompetitive Latin American economies, leading the latter to the level of primary products or commodities of low value added. Meanwhile, high value added products produced in the United States, have free access to Latin American markets, competitive sub eliminating its competition. ; 09-28 ; hjaguaribe@uol.com.br

New Global Cities in Latin America and Asia: Welcome to the Twenty-First Century proposes new visions of global cities and regions historically considered "secondary" in the international context. The arguments are not only based on material progress made by these metropolises, but also on the growing social difficulties experienced (e.g., organized crime, drug trafficking, slums, economic inequalities). The book illustrates the growth of cities according to these problems arising from the modernity of the new century, comparing Latin American and Asian cities.

This book analyzes the complex relationships within cities through an interdisciplinary approach, complementing other research and challenging orthodox views on global cities. At the same time, the book provides new theoretical and methodological tools to understand the progress of "Third World" cities and the way of understanding "globality" in the 21st century by confronting the traditional views with which global cities were appreciated since the 1980s. Pablo Baisotti brings together researchers from various fields who provide new interpretative keys to certain cities in Latin America and Asia.

In this essay, I propose the identification and analysis of one of the major expressions of Euro-American xenophobia and racism, the socio-anthropological refusal to encounter and/or project the existence of capital in non-Western populations. Starting from a critical reading of Eric Wolf's Europe and the People without History, and following some of its lines of exploration, I question a nostalgic episteme in the creation of a world without capital in the Euro-American periphery, specifically in Latin America. Without delving into the logics of the religious discourses that advocated for the recovery of paradise on earth, nor of the construction of the American indigenous people as anti-economic or, at least, anti-economic subjects, for example, those of Franciscan catechization, I attempt to recall that socio-cultural anthropology formed an important part of the colonial enterprise. As such, genealogical, critical, and epistemological analyses must be used to discern how anthropology helped to establish Latin American populations as mere objects of Political Economy in the popular doxa. ; En este ensayo propongo la identificación y análisis de una de las mayores expresiones de xenofobia y racismo euro-americano, la negación socio-antropológica a encontrar y/o a proyectar la existencia capital en poblaciones no occidentales. Partiendo de una lectura crítica de Europa y la Gente sin Historia, de Eric Wolf, y retomando varias de sus líneas de exploración, cuestiono la voluntad nostálgica de creación de un mundo sin capital en la periferia euro-americana, específicamente en Latinoamérica. Sin profundizar en las lógicas de los discursos religiosos que propugnaron la recuperación de un paraíso en la tierra, ni de la construcción de los indígenas americanos como sujetos antieconómicos o, por lo menos, aneconómicos, por ejemplo, los de la catequización franciscana, intento recordar que la antropología socio-cultural formó una parte importante de la empresa colonial. Como tal, análisis genealógicos, críticos y epistemológicos podrían precisar en la doxa popular para descubrir cómo la antropología coayudó a establecer a las poblaciones latinoamericanas como meros objetos de la Economía Política.

Achieving the Paris Agreement's near-term goals (nationally determined contributions, or NDCs) and long-term temperature targets could result in pre-mature retirement, or stranding, of carbon-intensive assets before the end of their useful lifetime. We use an integrated assessment model to quantify the implications of the Paris Agreement for stranded assets in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), a developing region with the least carbon-intensive power sector in the world. We find that meeting the Paris goals results in stranding of $37-90 billion and investment of $1.9-2.6 trillion worth of power sector capital (2021-2050) across a range of future scenarios. Strengthening the NDCs could reduce stranding costs by 27%-40%. Additionally, while politically shielding power plants from pre-mature retirement or increasing the role of other sectors (e.g. land-use) could also reduce power sector stranding, such actions could make mitigation more expensive and negatively impact society. For example, we find that avoiding stranded assets in the power sector increases food prices 13%, suggesting implications for food security in LAC. Our analysis demonstrates that climate goals are relevant for investment decisions even in developing countries with low emissions. © 2020 The Author(s). Published by IOP Publishing Ltd.

In Latin America, the role of the media in democratic societies has recently become the subject of public debates, struggles and political mobilizations that have denaturalized the existing media order and established a distinct policy agenda oriented towards media democratization. This region-wide trend – a counter-tendency to the globally dominant market-driven orientation of media and telecommunication policies – requires explanation. This article stresses that it cannot be attributed to a spontaneous reaction to market concentration or media elitism, just as it cannot be reduced to a top-down process driven by populist leaders seeking to control the media. Drawing on social movement literature, the article traces four interacting processes – domestic network mobilization, reframing processes, transnational activism and changes in political elite alignments – that have brought about the unprecedented politicization of the Latin American media order. ; Fil: Kitzberger, Philip. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina. Universidad Torcuato Di Tella; Argentina

This article explores the relationship between political clientelism and the development of media systems in southern Europe and Latin America, considering the cases of Greece, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Mexico, Colombia and Brazil. Common characteristics of the media systems in these countries include low newspaper circulation, a tendency towards political instrumentalization of the media, limited development of journalism as a differentiated and autonomous profession, and regulatory agencies that are at the same time party-politicized and relatively weak. We argue that these media-system characteristics must be understood in relation to a broader history of political clientelism - though a number of forces, including commercialization of media industries and globalization, have tended in recent years to undermine clientelistic relationships.