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In this article, the repercussion that debate about overcoming of modernity and assumption of postmodernist are discussed, they bring to education as knowledge field, in especially for research itself. The thesis that we live in postmodern era is discussed in critical way, giving emphasis to this affirmation in social though, mainly because that expression is comprehensible that do not have the force and the intensity of philosophical concept, and it will finish empties of sense. One of its first uses is highlighted in the field of the philosophy, it was done by Lyotard, it gave to itself as an adjective and not as a noun, which does a significant difference. Besides the debate on the end or not of the modernity, it is chosen for the notion of hypermodernity, proposed by Lipovetsky, as form of characterization of the contemporary world, it is seeking to understand its implications. On the other hand, the author recognizes the important contributions of the thesis which affirm the postmodern era mainly into its epistemological and political aspects, in the measure that the analysis data spread out the focus of analysis. the present debate is characterized as a tension between two images of the thought that are not absolutely new, but they acquire special relevancy in the contemporaneousness, defending that we must assume this tension, from that one that it presents of creative possibility that does not paralyze the thought. ; Se discuten en este artículo, las repercusiones que el debate en torno de una superación de la modernidad y la supuesta instauración de una posmodernidad, traen para la educación como campo de conocimiento, especialmente para la investigación en el mismo. Se discute críticamente la tesis de que viviríamos una posmodernidad, dando énfasis a esta afirmación en el ámbito del pensamiento social, principalmente porque se comprende que esa expresión no tiene la fuerza y la intensidad de un concepto filosófico, acabando vacía de sentido. Se resalta que uno de sus primeros usos en el campo de la filosofía, hecho por Lyotard, se dio como un adjetivo y no como un sustantivo, lo que hace una significativa diferencia. Además del debate sobre el fin o no de la modernidad, se opta por la noción de hipermodernidad, propuesta por Lipovetsky, como forma de caracterización del mundo contemporáneo, buscando comprender sus implicaciones. Por otro lado, el autor reconoce las importantes contribuciones de la tesis que afirma la posmodernidad, principalmente en sus aspectos epistemológicos y políticos, en la medida en que descentra el foco de análisis. Caracteriza el presente debate como una tensión entre dos imágenes del pensamiento que no son absolutamente nuevas, pero que adquieren especial relevancia en la contemporaneidad, defendiendo que debemos asumir esa tensión, desde aquello que ella presenta de posibilidad creativa que no paraliza el pensamiento. ; Dans cet article, on discute les répercutions du débat autour du fait de surpasser la modernité et la soi-disant instauration d'une postmodernité, et l'effet de tout cela sur l'éducation comme un domaine de connaissance, spécialement pour la recherche en soi. On discute, d'une manière critique, la thèse qui dit que nous vivrions une postmodernité, en emphatisant cette affirmation dans le domaine de la pensée sociale, principalement parce qu'on comprend que cela n'a pas la force ni l'intensité d'un concept philosophique, ce qui lui enlève du sens. On met en relief qu'une de ses premières utilisations dans le domaine de la philosophie, faite par Lyotard, a été donnée comme un adjectif et pas comme un nom, ce qui fait une différence significative. A part le débat sur la fin ou non de la modernité, on opte pour la notion d'hypermodernité, proposée par Lipovetsky, comme une forme de caractérisation du monde contemporain, en cherchant de comprendre ses implications. D'autre part, l'auteur reconnaît les importantes contributions de la thèse qui affirme la postmodernité, principalement dans ses aspects épistémologiques et politiques, dans la mesure qu'elle décentre le focus d'analyse. Elle caractérise ce débat comme une tension entre deux images de la pensée qui ne sont pas absolument nouvelles, mais qui acquièrent spécial relevance dans la contemporanéité, en défendant le fait que nous devons assumer cette tension, dès ce qu'elle présente de possibilité créative qui ne paralyse pas la pensée. ; Discutem-se nesse artigo as repercussões que o debate em torno de uma superação da modernidade e a suposta instauração de uma pós-modernidade traz para a educaçãocomo campo de conhecimento, mais especialmente para a pesquisa nesse campo. Discute-se criticamente a tese de que viveríamos na pós-modernidade, dando ênfase a esta afirmação no âmbito do pensamento social, principalmente por compreender-se que essa expressão não tem a força e a intensidade de um conceito filosófico, acabando vazia de sentido. Ressalta-se que um de seus primeiros usos no campo da filosofia, por Lyotard, deu-se como um adjetivo e não como um substantivo, o que faz significativa diferença. Para além do debate sobre o fim ou não da modernidade, opta-se pela noção de hipermodernidade, proposta por Lipovetsky, como forma de caracterização do mundo contemporâneo, buscando compreender suas implicações. Por outro lado, o autor reconhece as importantes contribuições da tese que afirma a pós-modernidade, principalmente em seus aspectos epistemológicos e políticos, na medida em que desloca o foco de análise. Caracteriza o presente debate como a tensão entre duas imagens do pensamento que não são absolutamente novas, mas que ganham especial destaque na contemporaneidade, defendendo que devemos tomar essa tensão naquilo que ela apresenta de possibilidade criativa, sem paralisar o pensamento.

In recent years, the idea that constitutional modes of government are exclusive to states has become the subject both of sustained challenge and of strong defence. This is due to the development at new regional and global sites of decision-making capacities of a scale and intensity often associated with the demand for constitutional governance at state level, to the supply at these same new sites of certain regulatory institutions and practices of a type capable of being viewed as meeting the demand for constitutional governance, as well as to a growing debate over whether and in what ways these developments in decision-making capacity and regulatory control should be coded and can be constructively engaged with in explicitly constitutional terms. The aim of the article is threefold. It asks why taking the idea and associated ethos and methods of constitutionalism 'beyond the state' might be viewed as a significant and controversial innovation, and so in need of explanation and justification – a question that requires us to engage with the definition of constitutionalism and with the contestation surrounding that definition. Secondly, taking account of the various arguments that lie behind these definitional concerns, it attempts to develop a scheme for understanding certain key features of constitutionalism and of its post-state development that is able to command broad agreement. Thirdly, and joining the concerns of the first two sections, it seeks to identify the key current tensions – or antinomies – surrounding the growth of post-state constitutionalism with a view to indicating what is at stake in the future career of that concept.

Description based on: Vol. 64 (1973). ; Mode of access: Internet. ; Compiled by: Exchange and Gift Division; Collection Services, 1994.

Proliferation of weapons of mass destruction (WMD) delivery systems has made missile defense a key security challenge, but missile defense systems are highly controversial. I closely examine the development of the missile defense system in South Korea. South Korea has steadfastly remained outside the theater missile defense (TMD) structure, but it cooperates on missile defense, in a limited way, with its U.S. ally. South Korea's refusal to participate in TMD even as it quietly acquires air defense systems can be explained by political and diplomatic considerations regarding its neighbors (especially China), military and economic considerations about missile defense, and strategic considerations for the United States‐South Korea alliance. The TMD situation demonstrates South Korea's dilemma and opportunity as a medium power in a particularly harsh security environment. South Korea is walking a fine line to diversify security relations, to maintain the alliance structure with the United States (albeit in a changed form), and to build a self‐reliant military capability.

One promise of formal truth recovery processes, such as truth commissions, in transitional socieities is that they present the possibility of a common narrative emerging about the causes of conflict. At the same time, there is now evidence that such processes also create silences; some narratives are not fully represented. One such silence is in relation to pro-state paramilitaries. Drawing extensively on interviews with a number of loyalist paramilitary activists in Northern Ireland, as well as others attuned to the current state of loyalism, this article explores loyalist paramilitary attitudes to dealing with the past, and in particular, the possibility of a truth commission for Northern Ireland. It considers the reasons for loyalist reticence about supporting such a commission, including their belief that the call for truth serves a republican insurgent agenda, their conviction that they have been abandoned by the state to which they have been loyal, and a general sense of confused political identity within loyalism. Finally, the article considers some ways in which loyalists might be persuaded to engage in a truth recovery process, not least through an attempt to produce a tighter definition of truth. If their narrative succeeds in being properly represented, there may be lessons to be learned for similar transitional societies. (Human Rights Quarterly)

Introduction: Books, bias, and blackness : how the Haitian other helps tell the story of Dominican history and identity -- La Trinitaria : the elevation of whiteness and normalization of a pigmentocracy in Dominican society -- Truth and Trujillo : a critical approach to studying the Trujillo dictatorship -- The "masters" of the script : Joaquin Balaguer, Jose Francisco Pena Gomez, and the anti-Haitian nation -- Dominican national identity : social science textbooks and the boundaries of blackness -- Color, classrooms, and the Haitian other.