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This incisive and wholly practical book offers a hands-on guide to developing and assessing social justice art education for K-12 art educators by providing theoretically grounded, social justice art education assessment strategies. Recognizing the increased need to base the K-12 curriculum in social justice education, the authors ground the book in six social justice principles-conceptualized through art education-to help teachers assess and develop curriculum, design pedagogy, and foster social justice learning environments. From encouraging teachers to be upstanders to injustice to engaging in decolonial action, this book provides a thorough guide to facilitating and critiquing social justice art education and engaging in reflexive praxis as educators. Rich in examples and practical application, this book provides a clear pathway for art educators to connect social justice art education with real-life educational assessment expectations: 21st-century learning, literacy, social skills, teacher performance-based assessment, and National Core Art Standards, making this text an invaluable companion to art educators and facilitators alike

Low oil prices and the recession in Russia which started in 2014 are increasing pressures for fiscal consolidation, after more than a decade of prosperity. This article assesses the distributional impact of the main tax and social spending programmes in Russia in 2014 by applying a state-of-the-art incidence analysis. Overall, the Russian welfare state achieves a moderate reduction in inequality through tax-benefit policies by international standards. Most redistribution occurs through pensions. Major limits on the redistributive effect of tax-benefit policy include the large share of tax revenues that come from (regressive) indirect taxes, the neutral impact of personal income taxes and the low share of spending that goes on social assistance targeted to low-income groups. The tax-benefit policy also has an important impact on the age distribution of income, as households of working-age people (with and without children) subsidize pensioner households.

ABSTRACTCommunication skills are fundamental to social work practice, yet there is little research on the skills that workers have or how they use them. This study analyses 24 taped interviews between social workers and an actor playing a parent (a 'simulated client'). Two child protection scenarios with different levels of seriousness were used. On average, social workers asked many closed questions and often raised concerns. They used few reflections and rarely identified positives. In all but one interview, social workers were rated as achieving clarity over issues of concern; however, they tended to demonstrate low levels of empathy. The responses of the simulated client were rated for resistance and information disclosure. The factor that most strongly influenced simulated client responses was empathy. Empathic social workers created less resistance and increased the amount of information disclosed by clients. This was not associated with failure to identify and discuss concerns. Empathy, therefore, appears to be central to good social work communication in child protection situations. Given the comparatively low level of empathy expressed by most participants, development of skills in maintaining empathic communication while raising child protection concerns appears a priority. Practical, theoretical and training implications are discussed.

The author presents the issue of the role of the social economy entities in education policy. He points at their growing activity in policy formulation and implementation. Their role allows them to influence – directly and indirectly – both of the policy levels as well as influence the market supply in the area of various market services. They play the supplementary role in both domains, but at the same time – what seems to be critical – increase the pace at which the education system adapts to changing reality to live up to the expectations as to educate and raise the creative younger generation. Evidence of this is the structure of their activity, including the diversity of programmes they carry out, which are designed to implement modern teaching methods, support open-mindedness, proper civic culture, etc.

En un mundo donde la competencia con otras industrias culturales es tan grande (series, videojuegos), la comunicación y difusión del libro se vuelve central. Hoy las librerías no son el único canal de venta y, menos aún, en el mundo del libro infantil y juvenil. En este trabajo se realiza un relevamiento de los canales de estas editoriales, a través de la observación de su presencia en redes sociales y participación en ferias. Además, presenta los resultados de una encuesta (muestra piloto, exploratoria del sector), que permite obtener un panorama de las estrategias de comunicación de las editoriales de LIJ. El trabajo muestra como resultado que es fundamental incluir canales online y offline a la hora de armar una estrategia de comunicación, pero, lo más crucial para poder llegar a estas nuevas generaciones, es crear comunidades lectoras.

Despite enormous exogenous influence since the early 1990s and considerable changes caused by the economic rebound, Cambodian society still appears largely traditional and has taken only limited steps towards modernization. Although the motivation of the current regime – maintaining its hegemony – does not offer incentives for the evolution of modern attitudes, perceptions and behavior, the impact of a change in government would not be sufficient for a general shift. Instead, the level of education, likely to continue to improve, has already had a noticeable positive effect on attitudes toward a more modern way of life. By analyzing quantitative and qualitative data, the author examines the evolvement of religion, family cohesion, gender roles and equality, the hierarchic social order, economics, and politics to find evidence for the dynamics of Cambodian society.

How do citizens evaluate democracy? Previous literature trying to address this question has often relied on single indicators to assess citizens' assessment of democracy. This article contributes to this debate by using multiple indicators measuring different attributes to find a summary measure of citizens' evaluations of democracy. Using the special module of the sixth round of the European Social Survey 'Europeans' understandings and evaluations of democracy' and applying Bayesian factor analysis with country random effects, this article tests whether multiple indicators form an underlying trait measuring citizens' evaluations of democracy. It finds the scores of this measure at the individual and country levels and validates this measure against other measures built at the system level, including the 'satisfaction with democracy' indicator, also illustrating its functioning as a dependent and an independent variable.

AbstractThis essay examines how administrative documents categorized the mamluks who served Ottoman governors of Tunis from the early 18th to the mid-19th century. The categorization of these state slaves-cum-servants illuminates three issues, namely, the relationships between Islamic states and societies, interactions between the Ottoman Empire and its provinces, and forms of military slavery around the globe. Seeing registers, letters, and historical chronicles as spaces of interaction allows us to break free from an a priori definition of mamluks. By exploring how slaves and servants contributed to defining themselves in administrative documents, I not only argue for a new understanding of the mamluk category, but also show that mamluks did not separate state and society. On the contrary, in the Tunisian case, mamluks connected the state to various imperial and provincial social forces.

This essay argues that social criticism may be an effect of Frederick Wiseman's "reality fiction" films only if that effect is understood as analogous to parable, that is, through an awakened responsiveness to the unknown and the unresolved. Here I develop the analogy of Wiseman's films as parable that I begin to consider in an recently published essay "Silence-effects: Frederick Wiseman's films as parables" which explores the idea of parables and Wiseman's films as "silent": disturbing narrative explanation and creating new possibilities of relation, human and animal. The present essay looks at Wiseman's filmic techniques used to intimate these relational possibilities (portraiture and, using Davide Panagia's term, "democratic noise") and contends that his unflinching realism effectively opens up a space of parable with its vision of reciprocity and more-than-reciprocity.

Cornelius Castoriadis is well-known for his manifesto against bureaucratic societies, published by the radical left group Socialisme ou Barbarie in 1948. He developed an trenchant critique of bureaucratic societies in the Cold War. According to him, the western bureaucracies were fragmented, as these societies still had fundamental values, whereas bureaucracies adopted a total form in the East. Socialisme ou Barbarie was marginal and disappeared just before the events of May 1968. While Castoriadis sought to define his theory of autonomy in a philosophical way, he also proposed a new aesthetics based on the idea of creativity. What are the characteristics of this social creativity according to Castoriadis? My hypothesis is that the last work of Castoriadis proposed the outlines of an aesthetics of autonomy. I will examine the corpus of references that Castoriadis used to qualify this creative force specific to autonomous societies.

Based on a town government's meeting memos between March 2001 and October 2007, annual work reports, and my interviews with local officials, I show that China's township governments have strived to contain, rather than resolve, social discontent. The tendency toward containment lies in two fundamental features of China's political institutions and central government strategy. First, in order to optimize the function of the petition system as a source of information without losing control, the Hu Jintao administration (2002–2012) passed regulations protecting the rights of petitioners on the one hand, and simultaneously put pressure on local officials to discourage petitioning, on the other. Second, the technical, institutional, and political features of China's cadre evaluation system encouraged local officials to take a short-term perspective on challenges, avoiding penalties rather than actually solving problems.

This article explores whether recent social and political developments have transformed religious organisations' involvement in welfare activities. Most developed countries have undergone a process of secularisation in which the religious attachments of major segments of society, and also certain state institutions, have weakened. In recent years, welfare state expansion has stalled and most welfare states have entered an 'age of austerity'. Changes in the welfare state terrain -- primarily restructuring -- have transformed the opportunity structure faced by faith-based organisations. A survey of faith-based organisation involvement in welfare across four countries -- England, Israel, Germany and the Netherlands -- reveals a complex picture. While in some countries welfare state restructuring creates opportunities for faith-based organisations to expand their role, in others the combination of secularisation and restructuring create unfavourable conditions for these organisations. Adapted from the source document.

La notion de « caractère social » n'est pas seulement le centre des explications de la subjectivité conforme au capitalisme du « freudo-marxisme » ; elle est également un des piliers de la théorie critique de l'École de Francfort et un des terrains de désaccord le plus combattu de ce courant. De plus, elle nous aide à comprendre notre société et les difficultés pour la dépasser. L'article situe d'abord l'émergence des questions qui ont permis l'élaboration de cette notion. Il reconstruit ensuite les fondements de cette notion au sein des théories freudienne et marxienne, son développement au sein de la théorie critique, en insistant sur les contributions de Fromm, Adorno et Marcuse ainsi que sur leurs désaccords. Il pose enfin la question de savoir si cette notion est une matrice de la compréhension de la subjectivité contemporaine et l'explication de l'impossibilité de dépasser le capitalisme.

El artículo intenta trabajar la dimensión política de la construcción de la identidad, en este caso la identidad nacional. El esquema propone que una de las formas de entender los procesos culturales forjadores de modos de identificación es en tanto relaciones de hegemonía cultural entre los diversos grupos o clases que conforman las sociedades como bloques históricos. Este elemento hace que la cultura, cemento social, según algunos autores, sea un proceso de construcción contingente, político y por tanto sometible a la reflexividad, sin necesariamente caer en una deconstrucción y negación radical. La identidad nacional como un espacio que se presta a la lucha política, pone a esta como un lugar primordial en las formas de entender los fenómenos subjetivos de la política y al mismo tiempo los elementos políticos de la propia subjetividad.