Suchergebnisse

Cover; Title; Copyright; Contents; Figures and Tables; Figures; Tables; Acknowledgments; 1. Introduction; What's to Worry About?; Aim of the Book; Defining Money and Politics; Outline of the Book; 2. The Public and Political Money; How Do Big Money Contributors Give?; What Do Big Money Contributors Think?; Does the Public-at-Large Contribute?; What Does the Public Think About Money and Politics?; Has Technology Changed Money and Politics for the Public?; Can the Public Change the Relationship Between Politics and Money?; Conclusion; 3. Cash, Courts, and the Constitution.

Interest in Research on the History of Ideas in Latin America is Increasing, but the product is spotty and uneven. As might be exepcted, much of the important work has been done by Spanish Americans and Brazilians. In 1950, in his Social Science Trends in Latin America, the author pointed out the interest in intellectual history, especially in Mexico, Argentina, and Uruguay, and this interest has increased notably since that time.

The costs and benefits of economic restructuring are not evenly distributed over time or across a population. The early years of economic adjustment have high costs and may tend to favor strong, even authoritarian states. Weak states or poorer nations may find it difficult to weather economic adjustment with their democracies intact. The later years of stabilization may offer a harvest of capital inflows and growth that is propitious to democratic politics. There is a price to pay for delayed or timid economic reforms. Nations that postponed restructuring during the 1980s could find it difficult to juggle economic reform and democracy in the 1990s. The midterm prospects for democracy may be determined by the ability to translate economic growth into equitable income gains. The long-term perspectives for Latin American democracies will in part be influenced by whether Asian models of partnerships between the state and industry or liberal Anglo models of market-dominated capitalism are adopted.

Where party identification is in decay or in flux, alternative political identifications have gained centrality. In this Element, the author develops a typology of post-partisan political identities: alternative ways in which rejection of or the absence of partisan politics are defining political identifiers or non-identifiers. Based on original evidence collected through opinion polls in different Latin American countries, as well as applying an innovative measurement, the author shows the respective magnitudes and ideological composition of anti-partisans (individuals who hold negative partisanships: strong identities based on predispositions against a specific political party or movement), anti-establishment identifiers (individuals who hold many negative partisanships simultaneously), and apartisans (individuals who lack any positive or negative partisanships). This Element demonstrates the usefulness of employing these categories in order to better understand different levels of party system institutionalization, party-building, and partisan polarization in the region.

During a long period of the twentieth century, stretching from the Great Depression until the Reagan years, defeat generally characterized the electoral record of the Republican party. Although Republicans sometimes secured victory in presidential contests, a majority of Americans identified with the Democratic party, not the GOP. This book investigates how Republicans tackled the problem of their party's minority status and why their efforts to boost GOP fortunes usually ended in failure. At the heart of the Republicans' minority puzzle was the profound and persistent popularity of New Deal liberalism. This puzzle was stubbornly resistant to solution. Efforts to develop a Republican version of government activism met little success. Only the Democratic party's decline eventually created opportunities for Republican resurgence. This book is the first to offer a wide-ranging analysis of the topic, which is of central importance to any understanding of modern US political history

This study aimed to compare transcultural adaptation for expatriates from Latin American countries with those from developed countries, with the intent of evaluating the premise of a negative association between cultural distance and adaptation for the Brazilian context. A final valid sample of 217 cases was reached. Our results suggest that the theory of cultural distance as a predictor of difficulties in transcultural adaptation cannot be generalized for the Brazilian expatriate host environment context. Participants' responses show that expatriates originating from developed countries adapt in a more satisfactory manner than Latin American expatriates, even though they are more culturally distant.