Suchergebnisse

William F. Buckley, Jr. (born Nov. 24, 1925, New York, N.Y., U.S.—died Feb. 27, 2008, Stamford, Conn.), versatile American editor, author, and conservative gadfly who became an important intellectual influence in conservative politics. Buckley founded the conservative journal National Review in 1955, and as editor in chief he used the journal as a forum for conservative views and ideas. His column of political commentary, "On the Right," was syndicated in 1962 and appeared regularly in more than 200 newspapers. From 1966 to 1999 Buckley served as host of Firing Line, a weekly television interview program dealing with politics and public affairs. A contributor to many magazines, Buckley wrote a number of books, among them God and Man at Yale (1951), Up from Liberalism (1959), and Rumbles Left and Right (1963). He coauthored McCarthy and His Enemies (1954), and in the late 1970s he turned his hand to writing spy novels; among them were Saving the Queen (1976), Marco Polo, If You Can (1982), A Very Private Plot (1994), and the final entry in the series, Last Call for Blackford Oakes (2005).

The book begins with the momentous task of demolishing the prejudices attached with the phrase 'founding fathers' that has held an immense sway over constitutional interpretation. It shows that women members of the Indian Constituent Assembly had painstakingly co-authored a Constitution that embodied a moral imagination developed by years of feminist politics. It traces the genealogies of several constitutional provisions to argue that, without the interventions of these women framers, the Constitution would hardly have a much poorer document of rights and statecraft that it is. Situating these interventions in the larger trajectory of Indian feminism in which they are rooted, in the nationalist discourse with which they perpetually negotiated, and in the larger human rights discourse of the 1940s, the book shows that the women members of the Indian Constituent Assembly were much more than the 'founding mothers' of a republic.

Préface / Makane Moïse MBENGUE et Catherine MAIA -- Présentation du colloque / Brusil Miranda METOU -- Discours d'ouverture / Ibrahima ADAMOU -- Regional courts and the idea of an international legal system / Jean D'ASPREMONT -- La Cour de justice de la CEDEAO et l'édification d'un « état de droit sous-régional » en Afrique de l'Ouest / Brusil Miranda METOU -- Regional courts and international trade law / Yenkong NGANGJOH-HODU -- The contribution of regional courts in the development of international investment law / Tarcisio GAZZINI -- L'apport des cours régionales des droits de l'homme au droit international / Mutoy MUBIALA -- La Cour africaine des droits de l'homme et des peuples à l'épreuve de la clause facultative d'acceptation de la juridiction obligatoire d'une juridiction internationale par l'État en droit international / Rostand BANZEU -- Transcontinental indigenous rights : contributions of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights / Carina CALABRIA -- L'affaire Hissène Habré sous les regards des cours régionales / Hery Frédéric RANJEVA.

The elderly care sector in Germany is faced with a serious decrease in worker supply while the demand for the services increases. The service gap is partly being filled with the employment of migrant workers, many of them so-called "live-ins" who are immigrants mostly from Eastern Europe who live with the people they take care of. Their work contract is international because they are employed by agencies in the sending countries while working in Germany. The study used the method of semi-structured interviews to explore the perspective of employers in this transnational space. The interviews have shown that there is a wide gray area surrounding the employment of live-ins in which minimum standards of labor rights are being breached. The circulation of live-ins between their countries of origin and Germany keeps them from adjusting to the local labor market and claiming their rights.

Intro -- Contents -- Tables -- Preface -- Acknowledgments -- Introduction -- 1 The Du Bois- Washington Debate in the 21st Century: Multiculturalism and the African American Community -- 2 The White Backlash Against Affirmative Action: The Case of the California Civil Rights Initiative (Proposition 209) -- 3 Organizational Response to Affirmative Action: Substance or Symbolism? -- 4 Social Networks and Occupational Mobility: African Americans' Promotion in the Public Sector -- 5 Does Race Matter Less for the Truly Advantaged? Residential Patterns in the New York Metropolis -- 6 Inner- city Entrepreneurship: Is Self- Employment a Cure for Poverty? -- 7 The Tattered Web of Kinship: Black- White Differences in Social Support in a Puerto Rican Community -- 8 The American Population in the Year 2000 -- 9 Old Wine in New Bottles: The Reality of Modern Racism -- 10 The Difficulty of Doing Good: Civil Rights Activism as Metaphor -- 11 Moving from Observation to Action: Addressing the New Politics of Race -- Index -- About the Contributors.

AbstractExtant research has established that displeasure with a Supreme Court ruling typically has negligible consequences for institutional support, largely because, as legitimacy theory's positivity bias explains, judicial decisions are invariably delivered with the accoutrements of legitimizing symbols. The Court's ruling in Dobbs, abrogating a federal constitutional right to abortion services, may challenge legitimacy theory because displeasure with the ruling seems so widespread and intense. This research aims to determine whether the ruling lessened the Court's legitimacy. The general conclusion is that Dobbs produced a sizeable dent in institutional support, perhaps to an unprecedented degree, in part because abortion attitudes for many are infused with moral content and in part owing to the Court's substantial tilt to the right since 2020. Indeed, the Court's legitimacy may be at greater risk today than at any time since Franklin D. Roosevelt's 1930s attack on the institution.

Within the human rights literature, a growing number of studies have focused on the factors that explain engagement in protests. Most prior studies of this type give little or no consideration to the effect of these factors on gender. Recently, though, some scholars have begun focusing on the gender dimension, exploring why women engage in protests specifically. In this study, we examine a previously unexplored factor, that of naming and shaming by the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), and its effect on the likelihood of women's protest activities. We argue that UNHRC shaming increases the likelihood of women engaging in protests. Moreover, given its preeminent position within the UN, UNHRC shaming should be much more effective in mobilizing women in comparison with shaming by non-governmental organizations (NGOs). However, in countries where governments actively repress NGOs, the effect of UNHRC shaming on women's protests should be smaller.

At the level of the European Union, consumer protection has been integrated into all relevant policy areas of the Union legislation, so consumer interests have been a central theme in several legislative initiatives of the European Commission. At the same time, the need to modernize or strengthen some of the existing provisions in the matter of consumer protection was also noted.
Therefore, at the level of 2023, we can appreciate, without making a mistake, that the citizens of the Union Member States benefit from adequate Union legislation as well as application or transposition, as the case may be, regarding consumer protection in major areas such as passenger rights, purchase of goods and services, including in the digital system, the acquisition of the right of use for a certain period of some accommodation lodgings, or some holiday packages, and also the unfair commercial practices or abusive contractual clauses.

AbstractExtensive research applies counterfactual simulation methodology to study parties' optimal policy positions in multiparty elections. In recent years, this methodology has been extended to the study of variation in issue salience. We employ this method to estimate the electoral effects of changes in the salience of specific positional issue dimensions on parties' success. Applied to British Election Study survey data from 2017 and 2019, we find that plausible issue salience changes could have shifted the parties' projected vote shares by several percentage points. Our approach implies that the governing Conservative Party had electoral incentives to downplay positional issues, to magnify the relative effects of its non‐policy advantage due to perceived competence and performance, among other factors. Labour would also have benefitted from reduced salience of Left‐Right ideology. By contrast, the Liberal Democrats had strong electoral incentives to emphasize their moderate Left‐Right position.

AbstractEuropean political parties, particularly radical right parties (RRPs), increasingly use religious symbols during elections. Despite the prevalence of these symbols, evidence on the association between religion and far-right vote share is mixed. We compare two leading arguments explaining the relationship between religion and RRPs. We hypothesize that the number of religious buildings, identifiable as Islamic or Catholic, will be associated with higher RRP support. We test this as a most likely crucial case using results from the French 2017 presidential election. Controlling for other demographic factors, more Catholic buildings in a commune are associated with a decrease in votes for the Front Nationale (FN). An increase in the number of mosques in non-urban communes is associated with increased support for FN. We argue these findings are evidence that RRPs use religious symbolism to draw on nativist or anti-Islamic support rather than traditional religious support.

What explains the variation in the interpretation and enforcement of international law by domestic judges? Can independent judiciaries control the enforcement of countries' commitments to international law? In this paper, we leverage a unique source of data—cases related to the Alien Tort Statute—to investigate how independent judges might be able to enforce international commitments to human rights without concern for whether the state (here the United States) has opted into the commitments in the first place. We show that behavioral factors in judicial decision making, and particularly those related to judicial ideological preferences, are potent predictors of judicial enforcement of international law. This implies that states with highly independent judiciaries are right to be worried about their abilities to control enforcement domestically, although we also find evidence that the U.S. government get a special degree of deference in these cases.

Within the human rights literature, a growing number of studies have focused on the factors that explain engagement in protests. Most prior studies of this type give little or no consideration to the effect of these factors on gender. Recently, though, some scholars have begun focusing on the gender dimension, exploring why women engage in protests specifically. In this study, we examine a previously unexplored factor, that of naming and shaming by the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), and its effect on the likelihood of women's protest activities. We argue that UNHRC shaming increases the likelihood of women engaging in protests. Moreover, given its preeminent position within the UN, UNHRC shaming should be much more effective in mobilizing women in comparison with shaming by non-governmental organizations (NGOs). However, in countries where governments actively repress NGOs, the effect of UNHRC shaming on women's protests should be smaller.

The article aims to investigate the issues concerning the definition of the big data concept, as well as the problem of civil turnover of big data in the legislation of the Russian Federation. Approaches to this definition enshrined in doctrinal legal acts and investigated in the legal literature are analyzed. The features and peculiarities of big data are considered. The conclusion about the need to legislate the basic categories in the field of big data to clarify the place of this object in the system of objects of civil rights is made. The study has also analyzed the risks of including big data in civil law turnover. Given the results, substantially practical approaches to regulating civilized forms of big data circulation should be the established mechanisms of civil liability for the use of big data that have resulted in derogation or limitation of the rights of citizens.

Can democratic participation reduce inequalities in citizenship produced by policing? We argue that citizen participation in policing produces a paradox, which we call asymmetric citizenship. For some citizens, expanding participation in policing expands citizenship by enhancing state responsiveness to demands. Yet citizen participation in policing often produces demands to repress marginalized groups, thereby contracting their citizenship rights. We theorize that formal spaces for citizen participation in policing produce asymmetric citizenship through three mechanisms: (1) defining some groups as "virtuous citizens" and labeling marginalized groups as "security threats," (2) gatekeeping to amplify the voice of "virtuous citizens" while silencing marginalized groups, and (3) articulating demands for police repression of marginalized groups to protect the rights of "virtuous citizens." We illustrate the framework through a qualitative analysis of São Paulo's Community Security Councils. Our analysis elucidates mechanisms through which democratic participation can reproduce, rather than ameliorate, inequality in policing.

The history of immigration policy is marked by the wrongful and discriminatory exclusion of certain groups of people. In this article, I argue that descendants of those who were wrongfully excluded have a pro tanto right to immigrate to the state in question as reparation. I begin by identifying the two main approaches theorists generally take to establish a claim for reparation: the inheritance approach and the counterfactual approach. In the first section, I argue that the inheritance approach does not offer a promising argument for reparations for descendants of those who were wrongfully excluded. In the second section, I argue that the counterfactual approach, by contrast, does. In the third section, I respond to the objection that this prima facie claim for reparation can be undermined by current circumstances. In the fourth section, I show why this reparation should be offered in the form of immigration rights.