Suchergebnisse

UK regulation discourages corporate political donations but is relatively benign in respect of individual donations. Few UK listed companies make political donations but many more company directors do. We use a unique, hand-collected dataset of political donations to examine whether UK corporate political connections are perceived as being created indirectly via directors' personal donations. Basing our tests on the sensitivity of company returns to opinion polls preceding the 2010 General Election we find that, on average, firms in industries which donate only to the Conservative Party exhibit higher sensitivity to the electoral success of the Conservatives. However, within industries, there is no consistent evidence that the firms which employ directors who make these donations exhibit higher sensitivity than firms which do not. We justify basing our inferences on return sensitivity to polls by confirming that UK domestic political risk, as proxied by opinion poll changes, is priced around General Elections.

The article sets out to bring early political development back to the research agenda in childhood studies and the social scientific inquiry more generally. Proposing a geographical approach, it seeks to develop the concept of spatial socialisation as a dynamic and relational process through which political becoming takes place. Contrary to the conventional conceptions, children are understood as participants rather than recipients of socialisation – active agents in their everyday environments alongside with their adult authorities, institutions, the media and their lived communities as a whole. Moreover, drawing from phenomenological theorisations of subjectivity, politics and space, the employed approach problematises the worlds in which political socialisation takes place. The article argues that the dynamic processes of socialisation constitute the spatial realities where children and youth lead their lives as much as they constitute the youthful subjects they involve.

In this paper, I set out to bring early political development back to the research agenda in childhood studies as well as to the social scientific inquiry more generally. Proposing a geographical approach, I seek to develop the concept of spatial socialization as a dynamic and relational process through which political becoming takes place. Contrary to conventional conceptions, I present children as participants rather than as recipients of socialization--active agents in their everyday environments alongside their adult authorities, institutions, the media, and their communities as a whole. Moreover, drawing from phenomenological theorizations of subjectivity, politics and space, the employed approach problematizes the worlds in which political socialization takes place. I argue that the dynamic processes of socialization constitute the spatial realities where children and youth lead their as much as they constitute the youthful subjects they involve.

In this paper, I set out to bring early political development back to the research agenda in childhood studies as well as to the social scientific inquiry more generally. Proposing a geographical approach, I seek to develop the concept of spatial socialization as a dynamic and relational process through which political becoming takes place. Contrary to conventional conceptions, I present children as participants rather than as recipients of socialization--active agents in their everyday environments alongside their adult authorities, institutions, the media, and their communities as a whole. Moreover, drawing from phenomenological theorizations of subjectivity, politics and space, the employed approach problematizes the worlds in which political socialization takes place. I argue that the dynamic processes of socialization constitute the spatial realities where children and youth lead their as much as they constitute the youthful subjects they involve.

Applies a Schumpterian theory of leader democracy to the issue of leadership in a representative democracy. Leader democracy is compared to deliberative & aggregative-utilitarian models for democracy, exploring the meaning of representation in each one. Five key characteristics of leader democracy are delineated in terms of (1) the relationship between representatives & the represented; (2) the subject of representation; (3) the concept of knowledge & the role of discussion; (4) the role of political action; & (5) the notion of qualitative representation. 2 Tables. J. Zendejas

Abstract. In 1998, Tom Pocklington's presidential
address examined what he believed was a progressive displacement of
teaching by research in Canadian political science departments. The
purpose of this address is to examine Pocklington's contentions eight
years on, after dramatic increases in research funds flowing to Canadian
universities. As research funds become more important to the financial
health of Canadian universities, we have seen the growth in Canada of what
I argue is a "cult of research intensivity." I argue that the
cult has serious implications both for the research that political
scientists will do, and for our teaching of undergraduate students.
However, I conclude that we need to put the reverential enthusiasm for
research intensivity in broader perspective, given the perennial concerns
that are expressed over the imbalance between teaching and research.Résumé. En 1998, dans son message annuel, le
président Tom Pocklington s'était penché sur ce
qui lui apparaissait comme la substitution progressive de la recherche
à l'enseignement dans les départements de science
politique au Canada. Notre objectif ici est d'analyser les propos de
Tom Pocklington quelque huit ans plus tard, à la suite des hausses
impressionnantes des fonds de recherche versés aux
universités canadiennes. À mesure que les subventions de
recherche prennent de plus en plus d'importance pour la santé
financière des universités canadiennes, nous voyons dans ce
pays l'expansion de ce que j'appellerais le " culte de la
prédominance de la recherche ". Je soutiens que ce culte a de
sérieuses implications tant pour les recherches que mèneront
les politologues que pour l'enseignement que nous dispenserons aux
étudiants de premier cycle. Je conclus que nous devons replacer
dans un contexte plus vaste cet enthousiasme à tous crins à
l'égard de la recherche, étant donné les
préoccupations qu'a toujours soulevées le
déséquilibre entre l'enseignement et la recherche.

Population aging is not just the socioeconomic issue of Japan's future, but the political issue as well. The sharing of resources for an aging society will reshape policy strategies and democracy-building. This article will examine the direction and nature of participation by the elderly in the political process of Japanese society.

Direct elections for the head of local government were a process of recruiting leaders in regions that can guarantee the representation of local people through a democratic process. In this process, theoretically and constitutionally political parties have important and strategic roles and functions. Unfortunately, the oligarchic practice that engulfed almost all political parties has internally and externally recognized the basic principles of democracy in the process of recruiting prospective leaders in the region. The democratic process is only procedural, not substantial. So far it is strongly suspected that the process of regional head elections is more colored by transactional politics. This paper aims first, to obtain an overview of the recruitment process for the local head government candidates by political parties in Malang Raya region. Second, to describe the power of money in choosing candidates by the parties and the voters. Third, to explain the transactional political impact on the performance of elected candidates. Methods were using descriptive analysis with qualitative approach and become parts of investigational report. Data were collected from interview and documentation. The results were consist of three aspects: first, at the stage of nomination of candidates for local head of government internally in political parties there was a tendency for friction between central and local political party leaders. In turn, this friction brought the failure of their candidate in the local election. Second, even though there were allegations of transactional politics between candidates for regional heads and political parties carrying them or between political parties, the allegations were not supported by concrete data. Third, the selection process for the head of local governments in the Malang Raya area tends to be less consistent with the performance of the government, especially those relating to PAD, IKF, and HDI.

Recent political changes in Tamil Nadu (south India) are best understood with reference to the subcultures associated with the state's major parties, the DMK & the AIADMK. These parties promoted political participation among the intermediate & the lower strata, enriched civic life, built cohesive subcultures that cut across ethnic boundaries, & limited collective violence in Tamil Nadu from the 1960s to the late 1980s. The partial erosion of these Dravidianist subcultures is a crucial reason for the weakening of political participation & civic life, & the modest growth of mobilization & violence along caste & religious lines since then. Adapted from the source document.