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Summary
The 1918–19 influenza pandemic was the most lethal pandemic in contemporary history. Exceptionally high mortality levels were also found in Hermoupolis during the 1918 pandemic, for which very limited work is available in Greece due to the lack of population statistics. Mortality increased within every age group while the W-shaped curve was confirmed when age-specific mortality is plotted. In particular, young adults and adults experienced the largest excess mortality, while short increases occurred among the very young and elderly due to their pre-existing high mortality risk most likely due to the aftermaths of the 1916–17 naval blockade in parts of the country. Finally, the limited references to the pandemic in the Athenian press—no qualitative sources are available in Hermoupolis—suggest that the Greek government may have attempted to conceal the extent of the pandemic because of the turbulent situation in the country at that time.

This paper discusses why and how public attitudes should matter in regulating asylum and refugee protection in rich democracies, with a focus on Europe. Taking a realistic approach, I argue that public views constitute a soft feasibility constraint on effective and sustainable policies towards asylum seekers and refugees, and that a failure to take seriously and understand the attitudes of the host country's population can have a very damaging effect on refugee protection and migrants' rights in practice. Bringing together insights from political philosophy, the politics of asylum, and research on public attitudes, I develop my argument by discussing why 'what the people think' should matter in asylum and refugee polices; how public views can and should matter given the well-known challenges with measuring attitudes and policy preferences; and what the prevailing public views might mean for the reform of asylum and refugee policies in Europe.

AbstractBackgroundTaking a trauma informed care approach has demonstrated positive outcomes for services for people in the general population. Given the increased vulnerability to psychological trauma for adults with an intellectual disability, this study explores what residential staff know about trauma and trauma informed care.MethodsThirty‐two staffs representing three staff groups: direct care staff; managers; and specialist practitioners, were interviewed using semi‐structured interviews, which were analysed following a structured framework.FindingsEach staff group held different perspectives in their knowledge of trauma and trauma informed care. Limitations were noted in staffs' knowledge of trauma, implementation of evidence‐based supports, and access to specialist services for adults with an intellectual disability. All participants highlighted their training needs regarding trauma.ConclusionIncreased training on recognising and responding to trauma is needed among community staff supporting those with a trauma history if organisations are to move towards trauma informed care.

Health centers (HCs) play a crucial and integral role in addressing social determinants of health (SDOH) among vulnerable and underserved populations, yet data on SDOH assessment and subsequent actions is limited. We conducted a systematic review to understand the existing evidence of integration of SDOH into HC primary-care practices. Database searches yielded 3,516 studies, of which 41 articles met the inclusion criteria. A majority of studies showed that HCs primarily captured patient-level rather than community-level SDOH data. Studies also showed that HCs utilized SDOH in electronic health records but capabilities varied widely. A few studies indicated that HCs measured health-related outcomes of integrating SDOH data. The review highlighted that many knowledge gaps exist in the collection, use, and assessment of impact of these data on outcomes, and future research is needed to address this knowledge gap.

Abstract
Violations of religious freedom rights are accelerating across the globe, with levels of religious harassment reaching record levels. Yet, despite social work's commitment to challenging religious discrimination and promoting human rights, little, if any, attention has focused on this issue in the profession's literature. In keeping with calls from the United Nations, this article highlights a human rights concern of critical importance to many vulnerable people, namely those who experience acts of intolerance, hate and violence for peacefully practicing the tenets of their faith. Accordingly, the parameters of religious freedom are delineated along with the status of religious freedom rights in the world, in conjunction with the populations that experience particularly extensive discrimination. After discussing the systemic factors that legitimise discrimination against people of faith, strategies are offered that social workers might implement to promote more equitable and socially just societies.

When individuals receive benefits from government programs, does it affect their attitudes toward those programs or toward government generally? A growing literature blends policy feedback theory and political behavior research to explore these questions, but so far it has focused almost exclusively on social policies such as the Affordable Care Act. In this article, we focus on a very different set of government programs that reach a more conservative, rural population: agricultural assistance. Our study ties administrative records on participation in USDA farm aid programs to an original, first-of-its-kind survey measuring agricultural producers' political attitudes. We find that receiving agricultural assistance is sometimes related to producers' views of the program delivering the benefits, but it depends on the divisiveness of the program and—for highly partisan programs—recipients' ideology. However, receiving federal agricultural assistance is not associated with more positive views of government.

Abstract
In a multicultural-multilingual society, inclusion requires equitable access to quality education as stated – UN Sustainable Development Goals, target 4 (sdg4). In the deep south of Thailand, the majority Muslim population speak Patani Malay in daily life, making language identity an issue as it is not recognized for official use. Students are required to study in Thai and as a result have the lowest academic achievement in the country. Furthermore, parents and the community have no confidence in government schools and some even fear that education is being used to destroy their ethnic identity. This paper presents a participatory action research, a Patani Malay-Thai mother tongue-based bi/multilingual education programme, implemented in Thailand's Deep South as a case study of academic efforts to create social inclusion. Policies and practices will be discussed and related to the reinforcement of ethnic identity, enhancing educational achievement and tightening social cohesion.

Abstract Global threats to health and health security are growing. Fragile and failed states, armed groups, ungoverned spaces, outbreaks and potential unknown "Disease X" threats, antimicrobial resistance (AMR), hybrid and gray zone conflict all exacerbate complex medical emergencies. These growing threats increase preventable morbidity and mortality of the most vulnerable populations. In an effort to promote best practices, standardize responses, and prevent excess death and disability in these contexts, The Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre (KAIPTC), with support from multiple international partners and a volunteer facilitator faculty, administered the pilot course for military and civilian health officers involved in U.N. peacekeeping missions entitled, " Comprehensive Medical Support in Complex Emergencies (CMSCE 19) ." This brief review paper provides a description of the process in designing and delivering an interdisciplinary course for providers and decision makers responding to complex emergencies. We conclude with best practices and next steps for course evolution.

This research aims to measure the mediating role of the variable of career adaptability in the relationship between retirement planning and attitudes toward retirement in West Kalimantan Credit Union employees. This research is a population research involving 415 respondents aged 40 years. The data was collected using a Google Form which was distributed to the contact number or email of the respondents and processed using the Multivariate Statistical Method, Structural Equation Modeling (SEM), WarpPLS6 Approach. The analysis proves that the four hypotheses proposed can be accepted well, so the researcher concludes that retirement planning has a positive and significant effect on career adaptability, retirement planning has a positive and significant effect on attitudes towards retirement, career adaptability has a positive and significant effect on attitudes towards retirement. , career adaptability is a positive and significant mediating variable in the relationship between the influence of retirement planning on attitudes towards retirement.

AbstractObjectiveFocusing on the United States, this study assesses the near‐term influence of introducing a child into a household on a parent's likelihood of participating in politics.MethodsLogistic regression analysis and exact matching of data from the November 2010 and November 2014 Current Population Surveys. Conditional, fixed‐effects logistic reygression analysis of data from the 2010–2014 Cooperative Congressional Election Study Panel Survey.ResultsCross‐sectional regressions and exact‐matching results indicate a negative relationship between becoming a parent and numerous forms of political participation, including voter turnout. However, recognizing potential threats to causal inference, analyses that leverage panel data and sensitivity analysis applied to the exact‐matching estimates provide weaker support for a causal claim.ConclusionThe introduction of a child into a household appears to be associated with attenuated parental civic engagement in the near term, but the evidence provides weaker support for a causal claim.

AbstractThis paper explores the use of big data in understanding population movements in the context of environmental change, with particular attention to publicly available information from social media and newspapers. After discussing causal factors, the paper discusses the benefits and challenges of using big data, and mathematical models that may help capture the complexity of human mobility in the context of environmental change. We conclude that big data can be an important part of a toolkit in discerning drivers of migration and displacement. It is no panacea, however; the paper discusses potential problems in its use, particularly if big data are analysed to prevent people from moving out of harm's way. Therefore, partnerships between computer scientists and subject matter experts and practitioners are essential to ensuring that what is gathered from big data is usable, credible, and protects the privacy and rights of those who may be displaced.

AbstractThis article examines the digital enclosure of Muslim minority data and labor through a techno-political "reeducation" system in Northwest China to make a broader argument about the way surveillance capitalism can be linked to ethno-racialization. Specifically, it considers how Chinese state capital investment incentivizes technology companies to engage in the dataveillance of ethno-racialized populations to generate what the article names terror capitalism. Drawing on two years of ethnographic research, interviews with former detainees, and analysis of internal police reports, and written in conversation with feminist anthropological scholarship on capitalism and social reproduction, it argues that these systems have created a matrix of conversion devices that produce Muslim social life under the sign of terrorism while expropriating it as data and labor. At the same time these systems, ultimately, are vulnerable to outside interception—opening them to a partial reversal of the surveillant gaze.

This is the third and final article on administration and self-government in the lowest administrative unit of China - rural municipality (xiang). The current triad of powers of a rural municipality (xiang), a conference of fellow villagers (cunmin huiyi) and a rural collective economic organization (nongcun jiti jingji zuzhi) is discussed. It is shown that the activity of self-government of committees of fellow villagers depends on the activity of collective economic organizations in the village. The common traditional features in the self-organization of the rural population in China and Taiwan are noted. Legislative measures aimed at preserving an independent (self-sustained) peasant economy are pointed out; this category of peasantry certainly acquires traits of a separate social estate. The new trends of rural self-government are compared with the same in organization of municipal associations in Taiwan and street offices and street work commissions in urban China.

This paper situates gamer discussions of the fantasy race the drow, or dark elves, in masculinity theory. I examine threads from a Facebook group discussing the topic, and code the reactions of men participating. I discuss how some gamer masculinities that are displayed reinforces a belief of epistemic privilege among White men that allows for hegemonic responses to discussions that involve structural racism. I propose larp gamer masculinity as a hybrid masculinity, complicit in its support of hegemonic models but appropriating elements of subordinated populations to allow individuals to feel like an "outsider." In these gaming discourse spaces, men employ an anti-intellectualized form of digital hooliganism as a rationale for their claims. These men dismiss claims of discrimination as they see those as characteristics outside the scope of the game. The resistance exhibited by these men reacting to changes should be viewed differently than extremist discourses.