Suchergebnisse

Student mock elections are conducted in schools around the world in an effort to increase political interest and efficacy among students. There is, however, a lack of research on whether mock elections in schools enhance voter turnout in real elections. In this article, we examine whether the propensity to vote in Swedish elections is higher among young people who have previously experienced a student mock election. The analysis is based on unique administrative population-wide data on turnout in the Swedish 2010 parliamentary election and the 2009 European Parliament election. Our results show that having experienced a mock election as a student does not increase the likelihood of voting in subsequent real elections. This result holds when we study both short- and long-term effects, and when we divide our sample into different parts depending on their socio-economic status and study each part separately.

Using a sample of up to 859 white Americans in the United States, we examine how racial resentment, perceptions of discrimination toward majority and minority populations, white identity salience, and American identity salience influence support for five candidates running for President in 2016. Using data from the American National Election Studies 2016 Pilot Study, we find that racial resentment influences support for both Republican and Democratic presidential candidates, and white identity salience increases support for Trump and Clinton. Although policy issues, including the economy, health care, immigration, and terrorism, also shape attitudes toward political candidates, the effects of racial resentment and white identity salience persist. We conclude by arguing that America continues to be shaped by a white racial frame which views minorities as inferior and that this view is perpetuated through support for candidates who support white supremacy.

Research on racialized older immigrants does not fully acknowledge the interplay between the life course experiences of diverse populations and the structural conditions that shape these experiences. Our research team has developed the intersectional life course perspective to enhance researchers' capacity to take account of the cumulative effects of structural discrimination as people experience it throughout the life course, the meanings that people attribute to those experiences, and the implications these have on later life. Here we propose an innovative methodological approach that combines life story narrative and photovoice methods in order to operationalize the intersectional life course. We piloted this approach in a study of the everyday stories of aging among diverse immigrant older adults in two distinct Canadian provinces with the goals of enhancing capacity to account for both context and story and engaging with participants and stakeholders from multiple sectors in order to influence change.

The Protection of Civilians (PoC) has been part of United Nations (UN) peace operations for twenty years. Today, PoC is irrefutably a 'centre of gravity' for how UN peace operations see and portray themselves. Despite negative perceptions, a great deal of progress has been made in how missions prepare for and respond to the demands of protection mandates. For the vulnerable populations they serve, mandates to protect raise expectations and provide hope that peacekeepers will safeguard them. Yet efforts to implement PoC mandates have encountered a range of problems, which peace operations have struggled to address. This article critically reflects on the past two decades of promoting, planning for and practicing protection in UN peace operations. It argues that while the achievements are many, significant challenges remain and much more must be done to deliver on this cardinal obligation.

The failure of the international community to adequately respond to patterns of discrimination against the ethnic Rohingya minority in Myanmar (Burma) eventually led to a genocide. The so-called "clearance operations" launched by Myanmar's military in August 2017 tested the resilience of the international community's commitment to defending human rights and upholding its Responsibility to Protect (R2P) populations from genocide, ethnic cleansing, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Two years later the UN Security Council has still not adopted a single resolution to name the crime committed against the Rohingya, or to hold the perpetrators accountable. Nevertheless, Rohingya survivors and international civil society have continued to campaign for justice under international law, and to advocate for targeted sanctions to be imposed on those responsible for atrocities. Faced with an inert Security Council, some UN member states have adopted inventive diplomatic measures to uphold their responsibility to protect.

Deliberate Self Harm (DSH) is a pervasive issue in Pakistan. The limited research on this phenomenon conducted in Pakistan is restricted by the non-availability of an empirical assessment measure of self-harm in the Urdu language, hence relies mostly on the interviews of cases reported to the emergency departments and those translated does not necessarily carry the same connotation. An indigenous deliberate self-harm scale was developed to cater to this issue. Factors of DSH were identified using Nock's integrated theoretical model and literature review. Sixty-five items were generated. Content Validity Index (CVI) was calculated. The scale was administered on a sample of 200 self-harm cases.EFA revealed a three-factor structure (i.e intrapersonal, interpersonal and situational) supported by Parallel Analysis. RASCH analysis supported the item fit. This scale can be a helpful tool for the researchers and clinicians to explore DSH in the native population.

Medicaid home‐ and community‐based services (HCBS) waiver programs serve a population at high risk for hospitalization. We examined whether enrollees in HCBS programs, in 21 states representing all regions of the United States, with higher intensity of services, measured by HCBS spending per enrollee, have lower rates of hospitalization and potentially avoidable hospitalization (PAH). We found no statistically significant association with hospitalization. This suggests that HCBS programs that provide higher intensity services are not focusing effort on reducing hospitalization. We also found that HCBS waiver enrollees in programs with greater generosity in eligibility, measured by a higher proportion of HCBS receipt among long‐term services and supports (LTSS) users, had statistically significantly lower rates of hospitalization and PAH. This suggests that more generous programs serve waiver enrollees who are at lower risk of hospitalization, which may be relevant to policymakers in establishing the eligibility criteria.

Existing approaches to campaign ethics fail to adequately account for the "arms races" incited by competitive incentives in the absence of effective sanctions for destructive behaviors. By recommending scrupulous devotion to unenforceable norms of honesty, these approaches require ethical candidates either to quit or lose. To better understand the complex dilemmas faced by candidates, therefore, we turn first to the tradition of "adversarial ethics," which aims to enable ethical participants to compete while preventing the most destructive excesses of competition. As we demonstrate, however, elections present even more difficult challenges than other adversarial contexts, because no centralized regulation is available to halt potential arms races. Turning next to recent scholarship on populism and partisanship, we articulate an alternative framework for campaign ethics, which allows candidates greater room to maneuver in their appeals to democratic populations while nevertheless requiring adherence to norms of social and political pluralism.

The individual rights in the health care sphere are ensured, among other things, by overcoming uncertainty in legal regulation. The problem of ambiguity, filling gaps, contradictory to legal regulation is of relevance in the court hearings of specific cases in the health care sphere. The health care sphere is one of the most important spheres of the legal protection of individual's rights, because it concerns all the population. In modern medical law, the standardized approach to the regulation of relations in the health care sphere has received widespread recognition. The notions "standard" and "order" are widely applied to the regulation of medical activity and patients' rights. In the health care sphere the ambiguity of legal regulation is connected with requirements of getting from patient informed consent to treatment. The informed consent must be given by the patient voluntarily and before the medical treatment.

While there is a long tradition of interpellating poor rural women to carry out the state's development and modernising goals in local communities, neoliberal development has greatly expanded the remit of this subjective call but without accompanying material changes. In this article, I consider the precarious category of female workers produced by an NGO in West Bengal, out of a surplus population of poor, working-class and, generally, Scheduled-Caste rural women who were themselves beneficiaries of feminist-inspired development. Ambivalently positioned within this institutional site—as volunteers and not as employees—these workers had to manage new forms of risk and precarity over existing ones. Such precarity was not only material. It was especially manifest in new sets of aspirations that sustained the unrealisable promises and potentialities of the related processes of the NGOisation of feminist activism and the restructuring of women's development under neoliberalism.

The present study was aimed at analyzing the competences of the educational manager in Educational Institutions of Riohacha, Colombia. Theoretically, it was supported by Acosta and Finol (2015), Moreno (2012), Tobón (2006), Garcia and Vaillant (2010), Aldape (2008), Zabalza (2007), among others. Regarding methodology, type The research was descriptive, with a non-experimental, transversal and field design, whose population consisted of six (6) managers and ninety-three (93) teachers from the private educational institutions of Riohacha, Colombia whose name is: Enmanuel Educational Center, Marcelo Graziosi School and David Campo Gym. In conclusion it is evident that for the directors the academic, administrative, communicative and human-social competences are practiced in the institutions almost always, while for the teachers such competences are almost never demonstrated by the directive personnel, these divergences indicate a felt need to improve the skills of the educational manager.

AbstractBackgroundStructured assessments have been shown to assist professionals to evaluate the risk of aggression in secure services for general offender populations and more recently among adults with intellectual disabilities. There is a need to develop intellectual disability sensitive measures for predicting risk of aggression in community samples, especially tools with a focus on dynamic variables.MethodsThe study prospectively followed 28 participants for up to 2 months to test whether the Current Risk of Violence (CuRV) and Short Dynamic Risk Scale (SDRS) were able to predict verbal and physical aggression in a community sample of adults with intellectual disability.ResultsCuRV and SDRS ratings significantly predicted verbal and physical aggression over a 2‐month period.ConclusionsThe current study supports the use of the CuRV with adults with intellectual disability living in community settings. The CuRV and SDRS are worthy of future development and evaluation in independent investigations.

AbstractParty support has a strong influence on candidate success in the primary. What remains unexplored is whether party actions during the primary are biased along racial and gender lines. Using candidate demographic data at the congressional level and measures of party support for primary candidates, we test whether parties discriminate against women and minority candidates in congressional primaries and also whether parties are strategic in their support of minority candidates in certain primaries. Our findings show parties are not biased against minority candidates and also that white women candidates receive more support from the Democratic Party than do other types of candidates. Our findings also suggest that parties do not appear to strategically support minority candidates in districts with larger populations of minorities. Lastly, we also find no significant differences in the effects of party support on the likelihood of success in the primary by candidate race or gender.

AbstractBeck and Sznaider call on 'methodological cosmopolitanism' to transcend methodological nationalism and account for an increasingly cosmopolitanized reality. We take up their challenge by drawing on our experiences of conducting a collaborative ethnography of methodological changes in the production of population statistics within and between European national and international statistical institutes. Drawing on debates in science and technology studies, we depart from some conceptual presuppositions of methodological cosmopolitanism to define a 'transversal method'. Referring to this method as performative and ontopolitical, we reflect on how it requires collaboration and, in our ethnography, gave rise to three practical challenges – (1) going beyond the individual project; (2) using each other's field notes; (3) and working against the national order of things. To meet these challenges, we reflect on how this method required us to practise three modes of care – thinking with others, tinkering with field notes, and dissenting within.

This article contributes to discussions on capitalist transformation and impact on peripheral agriculture by focusing on the province of Santiago del Estero in northern Argentina. The concept of land grabbing is useful for qualitative analysis of the recent dynamics in the land market in this peripheral territory, where the concentration of land for agrarian use is historical but has accelerated in recent decades with the expansion of soybean cultivation. Tensions between capitalist and noncapitalist actors have been taking place within the current crisis of the world capitalist system and its expansion to marginal lands, often occupied by peasant producers with precarious tenure and different logics to that of market capitalism. The province's history is characterized by processes of different temporalities and scales of limited capitalist transformation, agrarian land concentration, and exploitation of local populations. This article seeks to understand the overlaps and tensions in these processes.