Suchergebnisse

This paper presents and addresses a simple, yet overlooked, research question: is there a sexuality gap in political engagement and participation between sexual minority individuals and the heterosexual majority in Western Europe? To answer this question, we employ a recently applied method of identifying lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) individuals using data on the gender composition of cohabiting partner households from the European Social Survey. Relying on a total sample of more than 110,000 individuals across 12 different countries with an identified sample of 1542 LGB individuals, we test the divergence in political interest and political participation, both electoral and non-electoral, between LGB and non-LGB individuals. The results of our empirical analyses conform with our expectations. Theorising that LGBs, as a marginalised social stratum, are incentivised to participate and 'vote like their rights depended on it', we find empirical evidence of a significant and positive 'sexuality gap' in levels of political interest, turnout and other forms of political participation in Western Europe over and above what can be determined by socio-economic determinants of political participation.

This paper presents and addresses a simple, yet overlooked, research question: is there a sexuality gap in political engagement and participation between sexual minority individuals and the heterosexual majority in Western Europe? To answer this question, we employ a recently applied method of identifying lesbian, gay and bisexual (LGB) individuals using data on the gender composition of cohabiting partner households from the European Social Survey. Relying on a total sample of more than 110,000 individuals across twelve different countries with an identified sample of 1,542 LGB individuals, we test the divergence in political interest and political participation, both electoral and non-electoral, between LGB and non-LGB individuals. The results of our empirical analyses conform with our expectations. Theorising that LGBs, as a marginalised social stratum, are incentivised to participate and "vote like their rights depended on it", we find empirical evidence of a significant and positive "sexuality gap" in levels of political interest, turnout and other forms of political participation in Western Europe over and above what can be determined by socio-economic determinants of political participation.

The social scientific study of same-sex households with children has come a long way in 10 years. Better quality data collection is now available. However, this is no guarantee that consistently sensible analyses and reasonable conclusions are imminent, because the "consensus" that children from same-sex households fare no differently than children from opposite-sex households—in particular, married families—is a carefully guarded social construction. The consensus is the result of sampling decisions, analytic comparisons, and interpretations of results that often indicate baseline differences prior to statistical controls for household instability, after which they commonly disappear. It is this variable—relationship dissolution—that remains demonstrably different between same-sex and opposite-sex relationships, even in the most tolerant of societies. The point of this article is neither to trumpet nor dispute any particular study's conclusion in the domain of parental influence on children's outcomes. Rather, I seek to explain how the consensus around "no differences" came to be, and how it is reinforced, despite evidence that it was, and remains, premature.

Objective: This research article investigates the relationship between parenthood and wages, considering the partner's gender and the influence of employers on wage trajectories for birth and non-birth mothers and fathers. Background: It offers a novel examination whether the gender of the partner affects the wage outcomes for birth mothers and explores the differential impact of employers on wages for birth and non-birth mothers, using Dutch register data. Method: Utilizing OLS regression, Heckman selection, and fixed-effects models, this study focuses on all Dutch couples who had their first child between 2008 and 2014 in the Netherlands, from two years prior to the birth until two years after birth. Results: Consistent with human capital theory, the findings reveal a consistent and unfavourable wage development for birth mothers, regardless of whether they are in same-sex couples or different-sex couples. The wage development for non-birth mothers in female same-sex couples resembles that of fathers, showing a more positive trajectory compared to birth mothers. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that employers do not differentiate in their treatment of birth and non-birth mothers, suggesting that biological constraints associated with motherhood impact wages of birth mothers, while both their male and female partners' wages do not decline. Conclusion: The study contributes to the existing literature in family sociology, highlighting the need for policies and interventions that address the specific challenges faced by birth mothers in the labor market. - Appendix: https://ubp.uni-bamberg.de/jfr/index.php/jfr/article/view/960/765

Maid to Queer is the first book about Asian female migrant workers who develop same-sex relationships in a host city. Based on participant observation and in-depth interviews with Indonesian domestic workers in Hong Kong, the book explores the meanings of same-sex relationships to these migrant women. Instead of searching for reasons to explain why they engage in a same-sex relationship, this book provides an ethnographic perspective by addressing their Sunday activities and considering how migration policies and the practices of Hong Kong people unintentionally produce alternative sexuality.

The article analyses recent trends in permitting and recognizing same-sex marriages and partnerships in Europe. The main purpose of the paper is to carry out a legal analysis and to identify the extent to which recognition of same-sex couples is reˆected in the evolving case law of the ECtHR and the CJEU, as well as national constitutional or supreme courts. The paper is structured into two parts. The first part discusses whether European countries are obliged to introduce same-sex marriages or partnerships in their national law. For this purpose, the author examines the EU Member States' commitments set by the Council of Europe and the EU as stated in law and as interpreted by the ECtHR and the CJEU. Then, the focus is shiqed to the national constitutional jurisprudence (including Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and Austrian courts). Interplay between judicial and legislative powers when fostering recognition of family relations of same-sex couples is highlighted. In the second part, a considerable attention is given to the question of legal recognition of same-sex marriages and partnerships concluded abroad. Again, the case law of the ECtHR and the CJEU is scrutinised. Later, the author turns her attention to recent decisions of Romanian and Lithuanian constitutional courts where migration rights (residence rights) of same-sex spouses were at stake. The author notes that both courts have coherently followed the CJEU ruling in Coman case and have both confirrmed (even though modestly) the need for a more extensive recognition of same sex relations beyond mere residence rights.

The article analyses recent trends in permitting and recognizing same-sex marriages and partnerships in Europe. The main purpose of the paper is to carry out a legal analysis and to identify the extent to which recognition of same-sex couples is reˆected in the evolving case law of the ECtHR and the CJEU, as well as national constitutional or supreme courts. The paper is structured into two parts. The first part discusses whether European countries are obliged to introduce same-sex marriages or partnerships in their national law. For this purpose, the author examines the EU Member States' commitments set by the Council of Europe and the EU as stated in law and as interpreted by the ECtHR and the CJEU. Then, the focus is shiqed to the national constitutional jurisprudence (including Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and Austrian courts). Interplay between judicial and legislative powers when fostering recognition of family relations of same-sex couples is highlighted. In the second part, a considerable attention is given to the question of legal recognition of same-sex marriages and partnerships concluded abroad. Again, the case law of the ECtHR and the CJEU is scrutinised. Later, the author turns her attention to recent decisions of Romanian and Lithuanian constitutional courts where migration rights (residence rights) of same-sex spouses were at stake. The author notes that both courts have coherently followed the CJEU ruling in Coman case and have both confirrmed (even though modestly) the need for a more extensive recognition of same sex relations beyond mere residence rights.

The article analyses recent trends in permitting and recognizing same-sex marriages and partnerships in Europe. The main purpose of the paper is to carry out a legal analysis and to identify the extent to which recognition of same-sex couples is reˆected in the evolving case law of the ECtHR and the CJEU, as well as national constitutional or supreme courts. The paper is structured into two parts. The first part discusses whether European countries are obliged to introduce same-sex marriages or partnerships in their national law. For this purpose, the author examines the EU Member States' commitments set by the Council of Europe and the EU as stated in law and as interpreted by the ECtHR and the CJEU. Then, the focus is shiqed to the national constitutional jurisprudence (including Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and Austrian courts). Interplay between judicial and legislative powers when fostering recognition of family relations of same-sex couples is highlighted. In the second part, a considerable attention is given to the question of legal recognition of same-sex marriages and partnerships concluded abroad. Again, the case law of the ECtHR and the CJEU is scrutinised. Later, the author turns her attention to recent decisions of Romanian and Lithuanian constitutional courts where migration rights (residence rights) of same-sex spouses were at stake. The author notes that both courts have coherently followed the CJEU ruling in Coman case and have both confirrmed (even though modestly) the need for a more extensive recognition of same sex relations beyond mere residence rights.

The article analyses recent trends in permitting and recognizing same-sex marriages and partnerships in Europe. The main purpose of the paper is to carry out a legal analysis and to identify the extent to which recognition of same-sex couples is reˆected in the evolving case law of the ECtHR and the CJEU, as well as national constitutional or supreme courts. The paper is structured into two parts. The first part discusses whether European countries are obliged to introduce same-sex marriages or partnerships in their national law. For this purpose, the author examines the EU Member States' commitments set by the Council of Europe and the EU as stated in law and as interpreted by the ECtHR and the CJEU. Then, the focus is shiqed to the national constitutional jurisprudence (including Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and Austrian courts). Interplay between judicial and legislative powers when fostering recognition of family relations of same-sex couples is highlighted. In the second part, a considerable attention is given to the question of legal recognition of same-sex marriages and partnerships concluded abroad. Again, the case law of the ECtHR and the CJEU is scrutinised. Later, the author turns her attention to recent decisions of Romanian and Lithuanian constitutional courts where migration rights (residence rights) of same-sex spouses were at stake. The author notes that both courts have coherently followed the CJEU ruling in Coman case and have both confirrmed (even though modestly) the need for a more extensive recognition of same sex relations beyond mere residence rights.

Entender los factores que llevan a la expansión de políticas públicas puede ser clave para predecir los efectos que trae la implementación de las mismas. En este trabajo se busca dilucidar cuáles son los componentes que llevaron a la expansión de la ley de matrimonio homosexual en Estados Unidos a nivel de estado, explotando un panel de datos desde el año 2000 hasta el 2015. En particular, se mide el efecto de la expansión regional en la política, considerando el rol tanto de la geografía como de medios de comunicación y tendencia política e ideológica de los estados. Utilizando aproximaciones mediante OLS y variables instrumentales, se encuentra que la aprobación del matrimonio homosexual por parte de los estados vecinos o que comparten medios de comunicación tiene un impacto positivo y significativo sobre la probabilidad de aprobación de esa ley, lo cual se mantiene para diferentes especificaciones y se atribuye principalmente a un mecanismo de aprendizaje social. Esto, a diferencia de las distancias políticas, ideológicas, educacionales o económicas entre los estados por sí solas. Lo anterior sugiere que los estados no se fijan en otros estados ideológica o políticamente más similares para aprender de sus políticas, sino que aprenden en mayor medida de los estados más cercanos o con los cuales comparten canales de televisión y estaciones de radio. ; Understanding the factors that lead to the expansion of public policies can be fundamental in predicting the effects of their implementation. In this paper I seek to elucidate the components that led to the expansion of the same-sex marriage law in the United States at the state level, exploiting a data panel from 2000 to 2015. In particular, I estimate the effect of the regional expansion of the policy, considering the role of the geography and communication media, and the political and ideological tendencies of the states. Using OLS and instrumental variables approximations to estimate these effects, I nd that the adoption of the same-sex marriage has a positive and signifi cant impact on the probability of adoption of that law by neighboring states or those that share communication media, which is maintained for different speci fications, and is mainly attributed to a social learning mechanism. This, in opposition to the political, ideological, or economic similarities between the states. This suggests that states do not look at other ideologically or politically similar to imitate or learn from their policies, but rather learn from the closest states or with which they share television channels and radio stations.