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We conducted comparisons for exotic mammal species introduced to New Zealand (28 successful, 4 failed), Australia (24, 17) and Britain (15, 16). Modelling of variables associated with establishment success was constrained by small sample sizes and phylogenetic dependence, so our results should be interpreted with caution. Successful species were subject to more release events, had higher climate matches between their overseas geographic range and their country of introduction, had larger overseas geographic range sizes and were more likely to have established an exotic population elsewhere than was the case for failed species. Of the mammals introduced to New Zealand, successful species also had larger areas of suitable habitat than did failed species. Our findings may guide risk assessments for the import of live mammals to reduce the rate new species establish in the wild.

Census microdata have become an extremely valuable source of information in social sciences research. These data, however, must have very coarse geographic resolution in order to protect respondent anonymity. Thus the geographic scale of these microdata sources is drastically different from the scale of many spatial processes—particularly neighborhood-scale processes. It is suggested that this difference in geographic scales creates a problem of conclusion validity for regression models which use anonymized microdata: measures of statistical significance are biased in these models. A correction to this problem in which small area data and population-density maps are used to estimate the effects of spatial dependence is presented. Monte Carlo evidence is presented which demonstrates that the conclusion-validity problem may be severe in practice. Further, this evidence shows that the suggested correction with small area data restores conclusion validity to statistical tests.

For all its economic capacity, population size, and resource base, California remains only one among the 50 United States and, essentially, is a subnational actor attempting to play a role in the climate change policy arena on par with the nation-states of the world. This raises a series of questions about the substance and breadth of the state's new policy and what has motivated it. The state's policy declarations and initial flurry of activities are impressive. As with all so broad and sweeping initiatives, it remains to be seen the extent to which policy goals can and will be translated into operational rules and regulations, incentives and sanctions, and actual accomplishments across all the sectors of the state's economy over the course of not just months and years but the decades to come.

AbstractA growing body of scholarly research locates the roots of Africa's poverty in its colonial past. However, studies avoid tracing Africa's development over the full course of history. In this paper, I quantify the changes in well‐being of the African population in Ghana and Kenya, at the regional level, during the years 1880‐2000. By using body stature as a measure of nutritional status I overcome the scarcity and unreliability of historical data. The two countries had a much more diverse development under colonial times than commonly assumed, with phases of substantial progress (which was also unevenly distributed between the regions). Based on these new findings I confront the existing colonial legacy literature and point to possible lessons that can be drawn from human development over the last 120 years. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

À partir des années 2000 à Montréal, quatre sommets citoyens ont permis à des citoyens organisés et non organisés de discuter d'enjeux urbains et de démocratie participative dans une « perspective citoyenne, indépendante et non partisane ». S'inspirant de la notion du droit à la ville développée par Henri Lefebvre, les sommets mettent de l'avant le droit des citoyens et des citoyennes à définir la ville, et ce peu importe leur statut. Dans le cadre de cet article, nous posons l'hypothèse que ces sommets contribuent à la construction d'un agenda citoyen et d'un espace politique autonome. Toutefois, dans un contexte marqué par la globalisation, le néolibéralisme et la diversification des populations qui habitent les métropoles, les nouvelles formes organisationnelle et politique expérimentées par les sommets citoyens de Montréal posent un certain nombre de défis auxquels devra réagir le mouvement urbain.

About 6 percent of seniors in Canada have family incomes below the Low Income Measure (LIM), a definition of relative poverty that sets the line at 50 percent of the median household income adjusted for family size. The Canadian senior below-LIM rate has fallen sharply in the last 35 years and is low compared to that in other countries, to the general Canadian population, and to Canadian families with children. Canadian income tax data show that below-LIM seniors are overrepresented among recent immigrants, females, the unmarried, and those supporting dependent children (possibly grandchildren). Age does not appear to be of great importance. While there are no uncontestable cases for additional targeting of transfer income, there is a strong argument for assistance to the small number of seniors with dependent children.

About 6 percent of seniors in Canada have family incomes below the Low Income Measure (LIM), a definition of relative poverty that sets the line at 50 percent of the median household income adjusted for family size. The Canadian senior below-LIM rate has fallen sharply in the last 35 years and is low compared to that in other countries, to the general Canadian population, and to Canadian families with children. Canadian income tax data show that below-LIM seniors are overrepresented among recent immigrants, females, the unmarried, and those supporting dependent children (possibly grandchildren). Age does not appear to be of great importance. While there are no uncontestable cases for additional targeting of transfer income, there is a strong argument for assistance to the small number of seniors with dependent children.

This article looks at the origins of the family planning program in Egypt as a case study in the history of relations between the emerging community of international donors, state officials, and local actors in the postwar period. The paper suggests that Americans and Egyptians were not in polar opposition over family planning. Egyptian women activists, medical specialists, state officials, and American population experts formed alliances that crossed national boundaries and cut at cross purposes to promote their varied agendas. The main losers in the scramble to establish family planning in Egypt were those female reformers who had been the first to endorse it and offer contraceptives in their clinics. At stake was control over an important form of aid that affected millions of women, management of a key program in the emerging social welfare state, and a victory in development circles.

On ne peut aborder le chômage des femmes comme celui des hommes, car la situation que connaissent les femmes au sein de la famille et sur le marché du travail leur est particulière. La critique de la définition du chômage utilisée dans l'enquête sur la population active du Canada a conduit à proposer une nouvelle vision du chômage des femmes qui tienne compte de la situation dialectique vécue par les femmes à cause de leur double implication, dans la sphère de la reproduction et dans celle de la production économique. Ainsi, la prise en compte de l'organisation sociale de la reproduction et de son prolongement sur l'intégration des femmes au marché du travail a permis d'expliquer la spécificité du chômage des femmes selon trois niveaux : le poids des charges familiales, la perception sociale du rôle des femmes et les caractéristiques des emplois qu'elles occupent.

Nous présentons ici un indice synthétique de l'état de santé qui tient compte à la fois de la mortalité et de la morbidité dans une population. Le calcul de cet indice est relativement facile car il ne s'agit que d'un prolongement des méthodes classiques en démographie. Dans le cas présent, les données sur l'incapacité (restrictions quelconques sur le plan des activités habituelles) proviennent de l'Enquête Santé Canada, de même que des établissements hospitaliers de soins prolongés et des centres d'accueil. La distribution de l'espérance de vie parmi les différents états de santé est d'un grand intérêt. Elle démontre, par exemple, qu'à la naissance, au Québec, les incapacités majeures et mineures retranchent de la vie moyenne environ neuf années chez les hommes et quatorze années chez les femmes. D'autres analyses sont présentées, désagrégées par âge et par région.

Depuis un siècle et demi, plusieurs historiens et généalogistes ont traité de l'immigration au Canada sous le régime français. Or, pour la plupart, ils se sont préoccupés d'une fraction seulement de l'immigration totale, celle correspondant aux individus qui ont fait souche au pays, constituant les racines de ce qui allait devenir la population canadienne. Dans cet article, on examine la littérature sur le sujet, tout en introduisant les concepts nouveaux d'immigration fondatrice et d'immigration observée. Enfin, on présente de nouvelles estimations de l'immigration observée et de la migration nette pour la période 1666-1760. On montre que l'immigration totale, soit l'immigration brute, a été d'au moins quelque 30 000 Français entre 1608 et 1760. Cette valeur excède de beaucoup l'estimation consacrée par l'historiographie qui fixait à quelque 10 000 le nombre d'immigrants de cette période.

Research on territorial behavior has focused on animal populations, and relatively little has dealt with territoriality in humans, except in the area of human sports. This study was an investigation of the prior-residence effect on children's behavior in social dilemmas. The analysis was carried out by means of research designed for preschool children who played a dictator game and an ultimatum game. This study demonstrates the advantages of being on one's own turf. The authors found that children playing in their own classroom obtained more from games than did those playing in their partners' classroom. In contrast, not being in their own classroom and not having the power to dictate in the ultimatum game were seen as an underlying reason why children propose more offers to their partners. The theoretical and practical implications of these findings for the evolution of prosocial behavior are discussed.

The Winter Commission report of 1993 stressed cities with the mayor‐council form of government and emphasized removing barriers to executive authority in large cities. In order to assess and update the report, it is important to recognize that a majority of cities with populations over 100,000 use the council‐manager form, in which restrictions on the executive and fragmented authority are unlikely to be present because of the constitutional principles on which the form is based. There has been progress toward improved leadership in both forms of government and substantial management change, including the incorporation of reinventing government and e‐government practices, and large counties are more likely to have an elected or appointed executive. An emerging issue not considered by the commission but in line with its purpose is the increasing challenge of governing expanding metropolitan and megapolitan regions.

Résumé La montée en puissance de l'Iran, à la suite des interventions américaines en Afghanistan et en Irak, la politique nucléaire de ce pays ainsi que le discours populiste de son président, fortement apprécié par d'importantes franges de la population dans le monde arabe, inquiètent la plupart des régimes arabes. Prenant en considération la politique de Téhéran en Irak, au Liban et en Palestine, certains dirigeants arabes accusent la République islamique d'ingérence dans les affaires arabes par un pays non arabe. D'autres reprochent aux Iraniens d'œuvrer à la formation d'un « Arc chiite » qui menacerait les pouvoirs sunnites. Dans ce contexte de tensions exacerbées, il est intéressant de s'interroger sur la politique arabe de l'Iran, en tenant compte de ses objectifs, ses particularités, son unité et sa diversité, tout en essayant d'en dégager les contradictions et les limites.

Unlike its demands for Holocaust reparations, Israel's compensation claims for properties that Jews left behind in the Arab world have aimed not to provide individual financial reparations, but rather to counter and offset Palestinian refugees' claims for restitution and the right of return. In U.S.-sponsored negotiations in 2000, Israel announced it would drop its counterclaim policy and agreed with the Palestinians that individual compensation would be paid out to all sides from an international fund. More recently, however, a new counterclaim strategy has emerged, based not on financial reparations, but rather on an argument that a fair population and property exchange occurred in 1948. By pursuing this strategy, Israel and international Jewish organizations risk exacerbating tensions between European Jews who have received Holocaust reparations, and Arab Jews angry that their claims are held hostage to diplomatic expediency.