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The issue of studying and comparative analysis of the historical materials of Tabari's chronicle has long been discussed in literature, because it also contains valuable information on the fate of the peoples and state formations of the Muslim East. Researchers agree that the introduction of the prose material of this book into academic circulation could shed light on many aspects of the consistent development and formation of dynasties in the ancient times. However, the narrative tradition of Arabic literature did not allow presenting the material about a particular historical or cultural object in the context of the chronicle. Based on this, in the pre-Islamic part of the Tabari chronicle an important discussion topic is the definition of borders, history, ethnic and religious composition, state structure, diplomatic relations, location of cities and other issues concerning the Khazars. Written monuments are considered a valuable source for determining the zone of distribution of the Khazars and Khazaria, although the boundaries were constantly changing following the changes in the balance of power between the Khazars and neighboring states. In the first centuries the struggle of two empires — Byzantium and Sasanian Iran for dominance in the Middle East — began to increasingly influence the establishment of borders. Later, the Arab Caliphate joined in this struggle against Khazaria to establish control in the Transcaucasia and the Black Sea region. The Tabari chronicle preserved a huge amount of narrative material about the role of the Khazars in the development of the past centuries' events. Plans of the Abbasid caliphs in the 8–9th centuries undergone major changes due to the resistance of the Khazars. Further clarification of the role of the Khazars and Khazaria is possible only based on a critical analysis of Tabari's information in comparison with the materials of late medieval authors.

The study aims to examine science teachers' and pre-service science teachers' metaphors about learning, teaching, and teacher concepts and compare their metaphors. The study is designed according to phenomenology research design. The study participants consisted of 62 in-service science teachers working in government schools and 45 pre-service science teachers attending a government university's science teaching department. The data was collected during the 2017-2018 academic year. The participants were requested to fill in the blanks of three statements: "Learning is like….; because …….", "Teaching is like….; because…….", "Teacher is like….; because……". The results displayed that teachers and pre-service teachers generally have different meaning categories. While teachers expressed the concept of "teacher," they took their own experiences and professional lives into consideration since they are actively working as teachers. On the other hand, pre-service teachers expressed their own teachers and their behaviors while defining the concept of "teacher." Similarly, when we take a look at the results related to the concept of "student," while teachers started off with the children they taught, pre-service teachers talked about their own experiences since they are students.

PEst-OE/EAT/UI0693/2014 SFRH/BPD/79759/2011 ; One might start by acknowledging that the praise of particularity (and difference) has long gained the upper hand over the privilege of universality in the ideological landscape of late capitalism (which in a way amounts to say, as Agamben has recently reemphasized, that controlling disorder, rather than preventing it, has become the most important operation of present-day biopower). By the same token, it also means that the political valences of universalism might be reappraised today under a new light, in which case Europe's philosophical legacy – whose universalism has been dismissed on account of its implicit complicity with political totalitarianism – might be given a chance to reinvent itself not in spite but thanks to its universalist trait. Against the backdrop of multiculturalism's failure – so argues, for instance, Zizek – Europe's universal project would give us the opportunity to rethink common issues, problems and struggles, rather than simply – and often in merely a formal fashion – to respect others. Europe's recent history, however, seems to prevent the promotion of Europe to anything but an example – "Auschwitz", "Stalin", "Hiroshima" being three names under which the failure of Western modernity's emancipatory project could be grasped. The question thus arises whether one is bound to minimize the memory of such events in order to reaffirm a politico-philosophical universalism as it were in the face of the blackmail of history… Against this assumption, which entails a false dichotomy between political universalism and historical awareness, I will argue that both the dismissal of history (for the sake of politics) and the deflection of politics (for the sake of history) should, and can, be avoided for different though compatible reasons. Alternatively, according to my proposal – which I intend to discuss in dialogue with Adorno, Agamben, Badiou, Zizek among others – the proposal of an anti-totalitarian philosophical universalism would go hand in hand with the formulation of a historically informed politics. ; publishersversion ; published

"This exciting new volume examines the development of market performance from Antiquity until the dawn of the Industrial Revolution. Efficient market structures are agreed by most economists to serve as evidence of economic prosperity, and to be prerequisites for further economic growth. However, this is the first study to examine market performance as a whole, over such a large time period. Presenting a hitherto unknown and inaccessible corpus of data from ancient Babylonia, this international set of contributors are for the first time able to offer an in-depth study of market performance over a period of 2,500 years.The contributions focus on the market of staple crops, as they were crucial goods in these societies. Over this entire period, all papers provide a similar conceptual and methodological framework resting on a common definition of market performance combined with qualitative and quantitative analyses resting on new and improved price data. In this way, the book is able to combine analysis of the Babylonian period with similar work on the Roman, Early-and Late Medieval and Early Modern period. Bringing together input from assyriologists, ancient historians, economic historians and economists, this volume will be crucial reading for all those with an interest in ancient history, economic history and economics. "--

The Symbolic Career of a Founding Father. André Siegfried and French Political Science after 1945 The case of André Siegfried and his Tableau politique de la France de l'Ouest : is examined here as a social history of the reception given to scientific works. The article attempts to understand how A. Siegfried became the "founding1 father" of French political science and to reconstruct the successive moments in which three methods for interpreting this : work appeared in the discipline: The : beginnings of electoral sociology in the Forties all the way up to the end of the ; Fifties correspond to a moment of significant cognitive and symbolic: investment in the Tableau politique de la France de l'Ouest. During the Sixties and Seventies, the Tableau became an icon for the discipline, at the very moment when its aura began declining. In the most recent period, we have witnessed a new approach to writing the history of the discipline, a return to an historical: study of the work and its author, which have brought about a revision of their, status. Through these steps, the Tableau was turned first into an object of reference, then an object of reverence and finally an object of history.

A study of what ethnic minorities in Britain think about and how they engage in British politics. It considers the ways in which ethnic minorities resemble or differ from the white British population, and differences between different minority groups.

25 páginas ; Este artículo explora el problema de la política y la religión en JeanJacques Rousseau desde una perspectiva filosófica. Para ello expone la forma como Rousseau concibe la religión en sus principales obras, destacando su carácter equívoco y polémico. Luego analiza el concepto de la religión civil desde la óptica del papel público que debía desempeñar en la comunidad política. Finalmente, sugiere los argumentos que fundamentan la propuesta rousseauniana como el diseño de una religión civil o política, o si, por el contrario, es una suerte de instrumentalización política de la religión, elemento que lo emparentaría con otros autores modernos. Este texto no pretende resolver el dilema, sino sugerir que hay razones para sostener cualquiera de estas dos lecturas de la obra del ginebrino. ; This article explores the problem of politics and religion in Jean-Jacques Rousseau from a philosophical perspective. In order to achieve this goal, this paper firstly shows how Rousseau conceives religion in his major works, and it emphasizes in their ambiguous and controversial character. After that, this paper analyzes the concept of civil religion based on the public role that it was called to play within the political community. Finally, this paper deals with the issue of whether the arguments behind Rousseau's proposal are the design of a civil or political religion; or is it a sort of political manipulation of religion, and in consequence, an element that evidences a link between Rousseau and other modern authors. The text does not purport to resolve the dilemma, but suggest that there are reasons to support either of these two readings of the work of the author.

More than one hundred and forty years after the War of the Pacific, which pitted Bolivia and Peru against Chile, it is still possible to find a discourse in the defeated countries that appeals to national sentiment and vindication faced with the confrontation's unfavorable consequences. It arises, from time to time, in harangues driven by political and electoral interests. This article analyzes the causes of these singular vestiges, despite the confrontation's conventional nineteenth-century conflict nature. To this end, it examines its territorial and economic causes, its development, its consequences, and the origin of the unjust war discourse in the defeated countries. It concludes that the discourse's source is the political use of history, which implies an anachronistic vision and attempts to rewrite history. ; Transcurridos más de ciento cuarenta años de la Guerra del Pacífico, que enfrentó a Bolivia y Perú contra Chile, aún es posible encontrar en los países vencidos un discurso que apela al sentir nacional y a la reivindicación ante las consecuencias desfavorables de la confrontación, surgido en arengas cada cierto tiempo, e impulsado por intereses políticos y electorales. Este artículo analiza las causas de estos singulares vestigios, pese a tratarse de un conflicto decimonónico convencional como varios otros. Para ello estudia sus causas territoriales y económicas, su desarrollo, sus consecuencias y el origen del discurso sobre la guerra injusta en los países vencidos. Se concluye que esto se debe al uso político de la historia, que implica una visión anacrónica e intentos de reescribir la historia.