Suchergebnisse

La hausse du chômage chez les jeunes mais aussi la hausse de la pauvreté dans ces tranches d'âge depuis une trentaine d'années n'ont pas cessé d'interroger le Québec et la France sur la citoyenneté sociale des jeunes. L'analyse des règles d'accès des systèmes d'assistance montre tout d'abord un même rapport problématique à la jeunesse dans la mise en oeuvre des mesures passives et actives de l'assistance au Québec et en France. Cependant, les systèmes d'interprétation de la jeunesse qui gouvernent l'évolution du droit à l'assistance articulé à l'accès aux mesures d'insertion diffèrent largement. Ils mobilisent des représentations de la société et des principes de l'action de l'État social fondamentalement divergents. La France s'appuie sur une conception fonctionnaliste de cet âge de la vie pour élaborer un système d'assistance-jeunesse soumis à la seule logique de l'intégration sociale, ceci dans un paradigme néo-solidariste (Donzelot, 2003). D'un côté des mesures d'accès à l'emploi salarié (prenant différentes formes comme la formation ou la mise en emploi) visent à faire entrer les jeunes dans des liens d'interdépendance qui ont fondé le régime d'assurance sociale. Ce droit à l'insertion vise à recréer de la solidarité sociale. De l'autre nous montrons que le refus de l'accès au RMI pour les jeunes se fonde sur les risques de rupture des liens sociaux primaires bien plus que sur la recherche d'une juste répartition des responsabilités entre famille, État et individu. Aussi peut-on dire, pour le cas de la France, que la logique de l'efficacité sociale prime sur le droit des jeunes citoyens. Au Québec, le paradigme dit « de la spécialisation », de type libéral, inspire à la fois la règle de l'égalité du revenu d'assistance entre les âges à partir de 1989 et le ciblage des jeunes dans les mesures d'insertion à destination des assistés sociaux. Ce traitement de (dé)faveur réservé aux jeunes adultes se nourrit d'une double conception de la jeunesse : une conception essentialiste qui renvoie le groupe social des jeunes à des comportements « typiques » vis-à- vis de l'assistance et une vision de la période de la jeunesse comme le début d'une « carrière d'assisté » sur laquelle il faut faire porter un effort préventif. Le travail mais aussi les études sont alors présentés comme des alternatives à privilégier sur l'assistance pour éviter de créer un phénomène d'«accoutumance à l'aide sociale » sur le long terme. Pour chaque cas national, nous présentons en premier lieu la philosophie sociale fondatrice sous sa forme idéal-typique, puis en second lieu la manière dont elle travaille l'élaboration et la justification des règles d'accès aux mesures passives et de ciblage des prestations de service dans les systèmes d'assistance-jeunesse concrets.

La hausse du chômage chez les jeunes mais aussi la hausse de la pauvreté dans ces tranches d'âge depuis une trentaine d'années n'ont pas cessé d'interroger le Québec et la France sur la citoyenneté sociale des jeunes. L'analyse des règles d'accès des systèmes d'assistance montre tout d'abord un même rapport problématique à la jeunesse dans la mise en oeuvre des mesures passives et actives de l'assistance au Québec et en France. Cependant, les systèmes d'interprétation de la jeunesse qui gouvernent l'évolution du droit à l'assistance articulé à l'accès aux mesures d'insertion diffèrent largement. Ils mobilisent des représentations de la société et des principes de l'action de l'État social fondamentalement divergents. La France s'appuie sur une conception fonctionnaliste de cet âge de la vie pour élaborer un système d'assistance-jeunesse soumis à la seule logique de l'intégration sociale, ceci dans un paradigme néo-solidariste (Donzelot, 2003). D'un côté des mesures d'accès à l'emploi salarié (prenant différentes formes comme la formation ou la mise en emploi) visent à faire entrer les jeunes dans des liens d'interdépendance qui ont fondé le régime d'assurance sociale. Ce droit à l'insertion vise à recréer de la solidarité sociale. De l'autre nous montrons que le refus de l'accès au RMI pour les jeunes se fonde sur les risques de rupture des liens sociaux primaires bien plus que sur la recherche d'une juste répartition des responsabilités entre famille, État et individu. Aussi peut-on dire, pour le cas de la France, que la logique de l'efficacité sociale prime sur le droit des jeunes citoyens. Au Québec, le paradigme dit « de la spécialisation », de type libéral, inspire à la fois la règle de l'égalité du revenu d'assistance entre les âges à partir de 1989 et le ciblage des jeunes dans les mesures d'insertion à destination des assistés sociaux. Ce traitement de (dé)faveur réservé aux jeunes adultes se nourrit d'une double conception de la jeunesse : une conception essentialiste qui renvoie le groupe social des jeunes à des comportements « typiques » vis-à- vis de l'assistance et une vision de la période de la jeunesse comme le début d'une « carrière d'assisté » sur laquelle il faut faire porter un effort préventif. Le travail mais aussi les études sont alors présentés comme des alternatives à privilégier sur l'assistance pour éviter de créer un phénomène d'«accoutumance à l'aide sociale » sur le long terme. Pour chaque cas national, nous présentons en premier lieu la philosophie sociale fondatrice sous sa forme idéal-typique, puis en second lieu la manière dont elle travaille l'élaboration et la justification des règles d'accès aux mesures passives et de ciblage des prestations de service dans les systèmes d'assistance-jeunesse concrets.

As is well-known the HIV infection profile in sub-Saharan Africa is very different from the HIV infection profile in the developed North. This paper explores the strengths and weaknesses of the three main explanations for this difference: the cultural explanation, the dependency explanation and the rational choice explanation. I argue that all three explanations have major problems. The cultural explanation ignores the variety of African cultures and the wide variations in sexual practices of Africans in different countries and ethnic communities. It also tends to place the blame for HIV/Aids on African women. The dependency model is too concerned with the workings of the world system, puts toomuch emphasis on poverty and overlooks the internal dynamics of the various countries of sub-Saharan Africa. The rational choice explanation underestimates the roles of emotion and habit in human sexual behaviour. Neverthelesssocial science research and debate have ensured that moralism has played a minimal role in the formulation of Aids policies in sub-Saharan Africa. Social science research shows that all individuals are at risk and that the situation is going to get worse unless serious effort is committed towards the fight against Aids. Social science debate has ensuredthat the afflicted are seen as victims more than as vectors. Aids policies in Africa have seesawed between containment of victims and potential victims and their sympathetic treatment. I argue that policies which do not emphasise containment are preferable. However for these to work the conditions which make Africa the most Aids-affected region in the world must be addressed. Poverty, inequality and underdevelopment must be seriously tackled if real progress is to be made in the fight against HIV/Aids.HIV/AIDS

This study aims to examine literature about relationship between corporate social responsibility (CSR) and financial performance (CFP) in different countries. The studies from nine different countries were examined. The results indicate that there are three groups of results. Three different types of relationships between CSR and CFP can be identified: positive, negative and neutral. We claim, that researchers of 9 different countries use quite the same methodology to different to examine the relation between CSR and CFP for different types of companies. However, CSR is strongly influenced by cultural and socio-economic environments and relates to a country's national business system. Political institutions are potential drivers of CSR as well. Moreover, informal institutions such as national cultures have an important effect on CSR practices. The national business system of the specific country creates the conditions under which corporations are more or less likely to engage in socially responsible behavior. For instance, in countries with a high degree of union power, firms perform better on the social and environmental scores. So, variety of legislative basis and national institutions (political, market, cultural) are drivers of CSR. They is a specific for each country. Due to that, all examined studies are incomparable because of the national institutions' difference that drive responsible behavior of the companies. The results in one country can differ in another. This article adds to the previous research devoted to the relationship between CSR and CFP. Firstly, the study enhances understanding of the relationship between CSR and CFP. Secondly, this study expands information about CSR in different countries to scholars and researchers. It also contributes to investors, who consider CSR in decisions making process.

This study aims to examine literature about relationship between corporate social responsibility (CSR) and financial performance (CFP) in different countries. The studies from nine different countries were examined. The results indicate that there are three groups of results. Three different types of relationships between CSR and CFP can be identified: positive, negative and neutral. We claim, that researchers of 9 different countries use quite the same methodology to different to examine the relation between CSR and CFP for different types of companies. However, CSR is strongly influenced by cultural and socio-economic environments and relates to a country's national business system. Political institutions are potential drivers of CSR as well. Moreover, informal institutions such as national cultures have an important effect on CSR practices. The national business system of the specific country creates the conditions under which corporations are more or less likely to engage in socially responsible behavior. For instance, in countries with a high degree of union power, firms perform better on the social and environmental scores. So, variety of legislative basis and national institutions (political, market, cultural) are drivers of CSR. They is a specific for each country. Due to that, all examined studies are incomparable because of the national institutions' difference that drive responsible behavior of the companies. The results in one country can differ in another. This article adds to the previous research devoted to the relationship between CSR and CFP. Firstly, the study enhances understanding of the relationship between CSR and CFP. Secondly, this study expands information about CSR in different countries to scholars and researchers. It also contributes to investors, who consider CSR in decisions making process.

As a response to the greater visibility of alternative relationship and family forms, polyamory (i.e. the practice of consensual multipartner relationships) has recently moved to the centre of public media attention. Questions of polyamory have emerged as a major concern within law, social policy, family sociology, and gender and sexuality studies. Yet certain core issues have remained underexplored. This includes the distinctive nature of polyamorous intimacy, the structure of polyamorous household formations, and the dynamics of care work within poly families. In particular, poly parenting has been subject to tabooisation and scandalisation. Governing bodies, the judiciary, and educational institutions have remained largely ignorant of polyamorous relationships. Research documents the exclusions of poly families (and individuals) from access to legal provisions and protections and their common discrimination in the courts, namely, in custody cases. It further highlights the discrimination of poly-identified adolescents in school and college settings and the predicament that poly families face when interacting with public institutions (including schools and kindergartens). Insights into parenting practices and the organisation of childcare are vital for understanding the transformative potential of polyamorous ways of relating. It is also important for challenging the common demonisation and stigmatisation of polyamory within conservative family politics that perceives polyamory exclusively from a harm perspective. This article will review and critically analyse existing research on poly parenting focussing on three dimensions: (a) parenting practices, (b) social and legal discrimination, and (c) parental response to stigmatisation. The article argues for a stronger incorporation of queer perspectives within the guiding frameworks of research into parenting in consensually non-monogamous and polyamorous relationships to highlight the transformative potential of the 'queer bonds' that sustain many of these practices.

The synopsis of this cumulative dissertation reports the theoretical background, methodology and main results of five studies addressing the role of intergroup versus interpersonal similarities for mediated social encounters under conditions of mortality salience (MS). Drawing upon terror management theory (TMT, Greenberg, Pyszczynski, & Solomon, 1986) individuals were expected to prefer similar over dissimilar others under conditions of MS. In theory, similarity can take place on the intergroup level (i.e. by belonging to the same in-group) as well as on the interpersonal level (e.g., by holding the same attitudes). So far, the relative relevance of intergroup versus interpersonal similarity has not been studied systematically. Particularly in mediated social encounters, intergroup and interpersonal similarity can be independent from each other and might have different effects. The results of five studies in different contexts confirmed intergroup and interpersonal similarities to have different effects in mediated encounters under conditions of MS. In an online dating context, a similarity-attraction effect emerged only among in-group but not out-group members (Study 1), and intergroup but not interpersonal dissimilarity threatened the individuals' defense against MS (Study 2). In a gaming context, individuals preferred an interpersonally similar in-group (versus out-group) avatar (Study 4) but showed no in-group bias when the avatar was interpersonally dissimilar (Study 3). Further, the valence of the in-group played a role under conditions of interpersonal dissimilarity (Study 3), but not under conditions of interpersonal similarity (Study 4). Finally, Study 5 found an increased interest in media content by in-group but not out-group members under conditions of MS even when the content (extremist propaganda) was negatively valenced and did not match the recipients' political attitude. The results are discussed regarding their implications.

The poor benefit greatly through redistribution through the budget in South Africa: Poor children attend public schools in large numbers and poor households benefit from a public welfare system that is exceptional in comparative terms. Trade unions have championed these apparently pro-poor policies, even though the trade union movement is not a movement of the poor in South Africa (there are very few union members in the poorest half of the population). Trade unions' record in acting as a movement for the poor is shaped by their primary objective of looking after their members' interests. In education, teachers and unions engage with the state as the employer more than as the provider of a social service. Teachers' unions were primarily responsible for securing more expenditure on poor schools in the mid-1990s, but this was the result of increased salaries. Self-interest has led teachers and their unions to oppose, block or impede some reforms that would improve the quality of schooling for poor children. In welfare reform, trade unions have championed the cause of the basic income grant, which is in the interests of the poor. A close analysis suggests that organised labour is also acting here in part out of self-interest. The socialisation of welfare costs will reduce the burden on working people and would deflect criticism of union-backed policies that, arguably, contribute to an economic growth path characterised by high wages but low employment. In previous work I argued that post-apartheid South Africa entailed a double class compromise, between capital, labour and the poor. The evidence from these areas of social policy suggests that this argument overstated the power of the poor and underestimated that of organised labour.

"This work explores the question of defining ideology from a Marxist perspective. Advancing beyond the schemas of discussion presented in current Marxist literature, the author offers an account of how the concept of ideology should be defined and what role it plays within historical materialism. Through a close reading of Marx's relevant writings, this volume demonstrates that while there is no coherent, single account of ideology in Marx's work, his materialist framework can be reconstructed in a defensible and 'non-deterministic' way. The definition of ideology presented is then articulated through a close reading of Gramsci's Prison Notebooks. Efforts are also made to demonstrate that Gramsci's interpretation of historical materialism is indeed consistent and compatible with Marx's. A systematic articulation of a theory of ideology that combines the works of Marx and Gramsci, as well as adding elements of Bourdieu's social theory and William James's psychology, this volume will appeal to scholars of social and political theory with interests in political economy and Marxist thought"--

Despite recent progress in promoting gender equality, gender bias continues to post challenges to women's career advancement. Here, we use a statistically grounded framework to investigate how face-based social perception may contribute to gender biases in political and job application settings. By analyzing a large face dataset and performing a novel behavioral experiment, we find that: 1) female faces exhibit stronger anti-correlation between perceived trustworthiness and dominance, 2) this anti-correlation is due to distinct sets of facial features humans utilize to assess female and male faces for trustworthiness and dominance, 3) perceived dominance positively contributes to social decision preferences for female faces, contrary to prior suggestions that perceived dominance affects female candidates negatively, and 4) the anti-correlated perception of trustworthiness and dominance put females at a disadvantage in competitive environments. More generally, our findings reveal the important role of face-based trait perceptions underlying gender biases in social decision making.

AbstractFindings from a large and growing body of entrepreneurship research offer insights for public policy and public officials and managers. Entrepreneurship policy is defined as measures undertaken to stimulate entrepreneurship in a region or country. The authors discuss generalizations from empirical research on three types of entrepreneurship activity that are vital for inclusive, sustainable economic growth: high‐growth (stressing economic impact), female (inclusive impact), and social (sustainable impact) entrepreneurship. High‐growth firms make up a small share of all entrepreneurial activity but create the majority of economic growth. Compared to their male counterparts, female entrepreneurs are fewer in number (one‐third of all entrepreneurs) and tend to start ventures with lower financial capital and growth expectations. Social entrepreneurs generally have high levels of education and pursue social objectives, often remedying market failures with innovative solutions. For each entrepreneurship type, the authors provide a definition, empirical generalizations, and implications for public policy.

Overall monetary redistribution via the tax and transfer system leads to net incomes being much more evenly distributed in Germany than market income. As a result, in 2011, the Gini coefficient decreased from 0.5 for market income to 0.29 for household disposable income. The social security system has a significant share in total income redistribution by the government, making up more than half of the inequality reduction. As far as there are equivalent insurance contributions for social security benefits, there is, however, no redistribution between individuals or generations over time. This shows that, in terms of how well public transfers are targeted, the most financially needy households are benefitting most from means-tested basic social security payments. Other public benefits such as the child benefit, however, are granted to all income groups. It was primarily the upper income brackets that benefitted from the now expired housing support for owner-occupiers (Eigenheimzulage).

This study investigates family social capital "stock and flow" processes defined by social capital access and use at the family‐firm nexus over time. We examined direction of effects in associations between family functional strength and business‐related tension moderated by firm continuation status using National Family Business Panel data, grounded in the Sustainable Family Business Theory (SFBT). Families continuing ownership experienced greater family functional continuity, which was associated with less business‐related tension over time. Families discontinuing ownership exhibited less functional continuity with a family and business disengagement pattern. Regarding bridging of family capital resources, differences were found in human, social, and financial capital that were associated with family functional strength and business‐related tension for each ownership group. For both groups, however, making family a priority over firm was associated with stronger family functionality. Contributions include theoretical and methodological distinctions between family capital stocks and flows and support for SFBT theoretical propositions.

Participation in the predominantly female voluntary social services is the norm that most workers expect, but little is known about how participation plays out in the circumscribed realities of managerialism and outsourcing. This paper asserts that there are three kinds of overlapping participative processes in the voluntary social services: (1) procedural-formal; (2) practice-professional; and (3) affinity processes, and that these are closely associated with the gendered notions of caring and care's connection to social mission and values. Our data suggest that rather than expanding in the context of third way politics, opportunities for all three kinds of participation have been severely curtailed by managerialism. This paper presents arguments drawn from two case studies of conditions in voluntary agencies (in Scotland and Australia) where caring was found to be a form of workplace participation, as well as the basis for exploitation and abuse of the workers by employers and clients.