Non-technical summary: Until the past half-century, all agriculture and land management was framed by local institutions strong in social capital. But neoliberal forms of development came to undermine existing structures, thus reducing sustainability and equity. The past 20 years, though, have seen the deliberate establishment of more than 8 million new social groups across the world. This restructuring and growth of rural social capital within specific territories is leading to increased productivity of agricultural and land management systems, with particular benefits for those previously excluded. Further growth would occur with more national and regional policy support. Technical summary: For agriculture and land management to improve natural capital over whole landscapes, social cooperation has long been required. The political economy of the later twentieth and earlytwenty-first centuries prioritized unfettered individual action over the collective, and manyrural institutions were harmed or destroyed. Since then, a wide range of social movements,networks and federations have emerged to support transitions towards sustainability andequity. Here, we focus on social capital manifested as intentionally formed collaborativegroups within specific geographic territories. These groups focus on: (1) integrated pest man-agement; (2) forests; (3) land; (4) water; (5) pastures; (6) support services; (7) innovation plat-forms; and (8) small-scale systems. We show across 122 initiatives in 55 countries that thenumber of groups has grown from 0.50 million (in 2000) to 8.54 million (in 2020). Thearea of land transformed by the 170–255 million group members is 300 Mha, mostly inless-developed countries (98% groups; 94% area). Farmers and land managers workingwith scientists and extensionists in these groups have improved both environmental outcomesand agricultural productivity. In some cases, changes to national or regional policy supportedthis growth in groups. Together with other movements, these social groups could now supportfurther transitions towards policies and behaviours for global sustainability.
Abstract In ordinary discourse, a single duty is often attributed to a plurality of agents. In Group Duties: Their Existence and Their Implications for Individuals, Stephanie Collins claims that such attributions involve a "category error". I critically discuss Collins' argument for this claim and argue that there is a substantive sense in which non-agential groups can have moral duties. A plurality of agents can have a single duty to bring about an outcome by virtue of a capacity of each to practically reason about what they ought to do together. I also argue that Collins' attempt to give a reductive account of such "we-reasoning" fails.
AbstractCollaborative governance (CG), involving partnership between governmental and non‐governmental actors, has emerged as an alternative to traditional government (TG). While CG may be seen as a strategy for increasing legitimacy, we know little about how the public evaluates inclusion of private citizens and stakeholder groups in decision‐making processes. Following the methodology of Cain et al. in their 2020 study of transportation and drawing on legitimacy theory, we develop a series of "components" of legitimacy. We then use these to test how respondents perceive the legitimacy of different institutional arrangements through a survey experiment on a nationally representative sample of U.S. adults. Our results reveal that regardless of board function, respondents perceived CG as more legitimate than TG. Among different types of CG, they prefer the inclusion of private citizens over stakeholder groups, adding empirical data to theoretical debate over how and under what conditions CG may increase the legitimacy of public governance.
The main goal of this paper is to analyze #YoSoy132 construction of mediatic identities through videoactivism, and to question if YouTube was determinant or simply instrumental in the implosion of the movement. During the 2012 "Mexican Spring", students and citizens not only occupied the streets to quest for a "real democracy" or to express their dissent through very significant demonstrations, but they also occupied the internet to protest. First of all, identity features of the movement are analyzed in relation with the following variables: 1) nucleus of belonging, 2) main sociodemographic features, 3) forms of leadership, 4) interests, 5) collective identity, and 6) relationship with otherness. Second, through a qualitative methodology —content analysis—, this paper analyzes the most relevant pieces of videoactivism produced by young adults. This study focused on the role and function of the videos to know if social media was "instrumental" or "determinant". Third, mediatic identities represented in the videos are analyzed by exploring the following aspects: a) protagonists appearing in the videos: main role, gender and age range, b) locations where these characters appear and c) type of identity represented: hegemonic or counter-hegemonic, majority or minority. The main result of this research is that a resistence and contra-hegemonic identity is created through YouTube videos by young Mexicans. Moreover, being #YoSoy132 goes far beyond being young, student or belonging to a specific university. In this regard, the scenario is not occupied by a single subject or specific group of people, but it belongs to the "oppressed" and to persons at risk or discrimination. ; El objetivo principal de este artículo es analizar la construcción de la identidad mediática a través del video activismo del #yosoy132 y cuestionar si YouTube fue determinante o simplemente instrumental en la implosión del movimiento. Durante la "primavera mexicana" del 2012, los estudiantes y demás ciudadanos no solo ocuparon las calles para pedir una "democracia real" o para expresar su disenso a través de manifestaciones muy significativas, sino que también ocuparon la internet para protestar. En primer lugar, las características del movimiento son analizadas desde su relación con las siguientes variables: 1) núcleo de pertenencia, 2)características socio demográficas principales, 3) formas de liderazgo, 4) intereses, 5) identidad colectiva, y 6) relación con laotredad. En segundo lugar, a través de una metodología cualitativa —análisis de contenido—, este artículo analiza las piezas de video activismo más representativas producidas por jóvenes adultos. Este estudio se enfoca en el rol y la función de los videos para saber si las piezas mediáticas sociales fueron "instrumentales" o "determinantes". En tercer lugar, las identidades mediáticas presentadas en los videos son analizadas desde los siguientes aspectos: a) protagonistas en los videos: rol principal, género y rango etario, b) locaciones en las que estos personajes aparecen y c) tipo de la identidad representada: hegemónica o contra-hegemónica, mayoría o minoría. El resultado principal de esta investigación es que la resistencia y la identidad contra-hegemónica es creada a partir de videos de YouTube hechos por jóvenes mexicanos. Más aún, teniendo en cuenta que #YoSoy132 trasciende el hecho de ser joven, estudiante o de pertenecer a una universidad específica. A este respecto, el escenario no es ocupado por un sujeto específico o un grupo específico de personas, sino que perteneces a los "oprimidos" y a las persones en riesgo o discriminadas. ; O principal objetivo deste artigo é analisar o #YoSoy132 e a construção de identidades midiáticas por meio do videoativismo e questionar se o YouTube foi determinante ou simplesmente instrumental na implosão do movimento. Durante a "Primavera Mexicana" de 2012, estudantes e cidadãos não só ocuparam as ruas para pedir a "real democracia" ou para expressar sua discordância por meio de manifestações bastante significativas, mas eles também ocuparam a internet para protestar. Primeiramente, as características identitárias do movimento são analisadas com respeito às seguintes variáveis: 1) núcleo de pertencimento, 2) principais características sociodemográficas, 3) formas de liderança, 4) interesses, 5) identidade coletiva e 6) relação com a alteridade. Em segundo lugar, por meio de uma metodologia qualitativa — análise de conteúdo —, este artigo analisa os trabalhos de videoativismo mais relevantes produzidos por jovens adultos. O presente estudo se concentra no papel e na função de vídeos para saber se as mídias sociais foram "instrumentais" ou "determinantes". Em terceiro lugar, as identidades midiáticas representadas nos vídeos são analisadas ao explorar os seguintes aspectos: a) protagonistas que aparecem nos vídeos — papel principal, gênero e faixa etária, b) locais onde esses personagens aparecem e c) tipo de identidade representada — hegemônica ou contra hegemônica, maioria ou minoria. O principal resultado desta pesquisa é que uma identidade contra hegemônica e de resistência é criada por meio de vídeos do YouTube por jovens mexicanos. Sobretudo, ser #YoSoy132 vai muito além de ser jovem, estudante ou pertencer a uma universidade específica. Nesse sentido, o cenário não é ocupado por um único sujeito ou por um grupo específico de pessoas, mas pertence aos "oprimidos" e às pessoas em risco ou que sofrem discriminação.
The increase in ageing populations has spurred predictions on the growth of a politically powerful old-age bloc. While their protest mobilizations have risen to reach youth standards, there is scarce scholarly evidence of the role of multiple identities in older activists' involvement. We address this gap by interviewing activists in Iaioflautas, an older adults' social movement emerging from the heat of the protest cycles in Spain in 2011. In-depth interviews with 15 members of varying levels of involvement revealed the paramount role of the movement in the identity construction of its participants. Iaioflautas endows a strong sense of collective identity based on intergenerational solidarity and enables to counter the culturally devalued identity of older adults and retirees. Whereas perceptions of widespread ageist stereotypes against older adults abound in this group, they omit to view the movement through an old-age identity politics lens. Furthermore, they reproduce ageist attitudes against age peers refraining from active involvement. This paradox suggests that the non-politicization of ageism restrains the development of a collective identity based on old age. We highlight how an increase in ageing populations might advance this issue in future research.
The increase in ageing populations has spurred predictions on the growth of a politically powerful old-age bloc. While their protest mobilizations have risen to reach youth standards, there is scarce scholarly evidence of the role of multiple identities in older activists' involvement. We address this gap by interviewing activists in Iaioflautas, an older adults' social movement emerging from the heat of the protest cycles in Spain in 2011. In-depth interviews with 15 members of varying levels of involvement revealed the paramount role of the movement in the identity construction of its participants. Iaioflautas endows a strong sense of collective identity based on intergenerational solidarity and enables to counter the culturally devalued identity of older adults and retirees. Whereas perceptions of widespread ageist stereotypes against older adults abound in this group, they omit to view the movement through an old-age identity politics lens. Furthermore, they reproduce ageist attitudes against age peers refraining from active involvement. This paradox suggests that the non-politicization of ageism restrains the development of a collective identity based on old age. We highlight how an increase in ageing populations might advance this issue in future research.
The identity of the people in the Indo-Myanmar border in Northeast India is that they belong to the Indo-Mongoloid racial stock and speak languages belonging to the Tibeto-Burman group. Most of these groups trace their origin to some part of Southeast Asia. The historical routes both constrain and empower movements across borders and cultures. But traffic across borders has been controlled by the articulation of homelands or safe spaces assigned to a group of a particular identity. Inspite of political division, the ethnically and culturally similar people inhabiting both sides of the international border have maintained constant cross-border movements. It is a shared landscape divided politically. This people with lives on both sides of the international border often find themselves victimised for crimes against the state. For this people besides the territorial road, there is also an extraterritorial road to the other side of the political border. This is a reality which is the basis of their identity. This article proposes a framework for international trade between 'local border points' in the Indo-Myanmar border, where only the residents in immediately neighbouring provinces/states can cross borders and trade freely. It is a hope that this will negotiate the conversion of a common shared space to a transnational space in this globalised world.
The analysis of music and dance in a society cannot neglect social conditions, political processes, or social context. Over the past few years, several major political changes took place in Macedonia, followed by mass demonstrations, protests and civic activities. The block of civic organizations, activists, students, university professors and citizens who demanded changes in the functioning and governance of the state were organized in several movements known as the Student and Professor Plenum, the Colorful Revolution, etc. Apart from expressing their views in the streets, they organized a series of activities that used music, dance and performance as tools. This paper is devoted to the analysis and interpretation of these performances which in this case have received an activist, social engagement role. The theater, which plays a role in the social awakening of the population in order to encourage critical attitudes, is not a novelty. This type of performance is predominantly related to the work of directors Bertolt Brecht, Erwin Piscator, and Antonin Artaud. The activities that took place in the Macedonian capital, Skopje, may not have been directly mirroring the models of this kind of performance, but to a large extent caused an identical effect that was part of the goals of this kind of performance and theatrical aesthetics. From a range of very diverse outdoor performances, this paper will focus on the most striking ones. The analysis will be connected with several layers and will make a comparison of the musical basis used as part of the protests, dance, and performances that were presented. These performances produced completely different meanings and sent messages that are not present in a usual performance context. Music and dance suddenly became tools in a tumultuous, transitional moment in contemporary Macedonian history in which performance gained a new meaning, interpretation and task.
