Gig work – accessing job opportunities through an app – has brought renewed attention to precarious non-standard labour arrangements. Scholars have begun to consider the intermediary role that platforms such as Uber, Lyft and Doordash play in exploiting and controlling workers. Yet, literature on labour market intermediaries has muddied conceptions of their role, impact and outcomes for workers by lumping a variety of institutions under the same umbrella term. Drawing from previous theoretical and empirical works throughout the temporary help and gig industries, this article proposes a reconceptualisation of labour market intermediaries as labour market engineers highlighting four mutually reinforcing features. This sociological reconceptualisation updates the understanding of for-profit labour market intermediaries by demonstrating the market making behaviours of firms of on-demand labour in the US context. Likewise, this reconceptualisation notes how gig firms have adapted and expanded these features in ways that increase precarity for workers.
"NATO has been a "nuclear" alliance since its inception. Nuclear weapons have served the dual purpose of being part of NATO military planning as well as being central to the Alliance's deterrence strategy. For over 4 decades, NATO allies sought to find conventional and nuclear forces, doctrines, and agreed strategies that linked the defense of Europe to that of the United States. Still, in light of the evolving security situation, the Alliance must now consider the role and future of tactical or non-strategic nuclear weapons (NSNWs). Two clear conclusions emerge from this analysis. First, in the more than 2 decades since the end of the Cold War, the problem itself -- that is, the question of what to do with weapons designed in a previous century for the possibility of a World War III against a military alliance that no longer exists -- is understudied, both inside and outside of government. Tactical weapons, although less awesome than their strategic siblings, carry significant security and political risks, and they have not received the attention that is commensurate to their importance. Second, it is clear that whatever the future of these arms, the status quo is unacceptable. It is past the time for NATO to make more resolute decisions, find a coherent strategy, and formulate more definite plans about its nuclear status. Consequently, decisions about the role of nuclear weapons within the Alliance and the associated supporting analysis are fundamental to the future identity of NATO. At the Lisbon Summit in Portugal in November 2010, the Alliance agreed to conduct the Deterrence and Defense Posture Review (DDPR). This effort is designed to answer these difficult questions prior to the upcoming NATO Summit in May 2012. The United States and its closest allies must define future threats and, in doing so, clarify NATO's identity, purpose, and corresponding force requirements. So far, NATO remains a "nuclear alliance," but it is increasingly hard to define what that means."--Publisher's website ; "April 2012." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Pt. I. The historical context of tactical nuclear weapons. The historical context / Richard Weitz -- Tactical nuclear weapons in NATO and beyond : a historical and thematic examination / Paul Schulte -- U.S. nuclear weapons policy and policymaking : the Asian experience / Elbridge A. Colby -- Pt. II. Russian perspectives on tactical nuclear weapons. Russian perspectives on tactical nuclear weapons / George E. Hudson -- Russian doctrine on tactical nuclear weapons : contexts, prisms, and connections / Jacob W. Kipp -- Aspects of the current Russian perspective on tactical nuclear weapons / Leonid Polyakov -- Influences on Russian policy and possibilities for reduction in non-strategic nuclear weapons / George E. Hudson and Evgeny Buzhinski -- Russian perspectives on non-strategic nuclear weapons / Nikolai Sokov -- Pt. III. European perspectives. Introduction of European policies and opinions relating to tactical nuclear weapons / Douglas Stuart -- The role and place of tactical nuclear weapons : a NATO perspective / Simon Lunn -- European and German perspectives / Götz Neuneck -- European perspectives / Paolo Foradori -- Europe, NATO's tactical nuclear conundrum, and public debate : be careful what you wish for / Nick Childs -- Pt. IV. American perspectives. American perspectives on tactical nuclear weapons / James A. Blackwell -- The role of non-strategic nuclear weapons : an American perspective / Jeffrey A. Larsen -- NATO's nuclear debate : the broader strategic context / Leo Michel -- Role of nuclear weapons in NATO's Deterrence and Defense Posture Review : prospects for change / Guy B. Roberts -- Pt. V. Arms control as an option. Tactical nuclear weapons and NATO : arms control as an option / James M. Smith -- Arms control options for non-strategic nuclear weapons / Steven Pifer -- Tactical nuclear weapons and NATO : a conventional arms control perspective / Dorn Crawford -- Arms control after START / Malcolm Chalmers -- The conventional and nuclear nexus in Europe / Jeffrey D. McCausland -- Pt. VI. Conclusion. Summing up and issues for the future / Tom Nichols, Douglas Stuart, and Jeffrey D. McCausland. ; "NATO has been a "nuclear" alliance since its inception. Nuclear weapons have served the dual purpose of being part of NATO military planning as well as being central to the Alliance's deterrence strategy. For over 4 decades, NATO allies sought to find conventional and nuclear forces, doctrines, and agreed strategies that linked the defense of Europe to that of the United States. Still, in light of the evolving security situation, the Alliance must now consider the role and future of tactical or non-strategic nuclear weapons (NSNWs). Two clear conclusions emerge from this analysis. First, in the more than 2 decades since the end of the Cold War, the problem itself -- that is, the question of what to do with weapons designed in a previous century for the possibility of a World War III against a military alliance that no longer exists -- is understudied, both inside and outside of government. Tactical weapons, although less awesome than their strategic siblings, carry significant security and political risks, and they have not received the attention that is commensurate to their importance. Second, it is clear that whatever the future of these arms, the status quo is unacceptable. It is past the time for NATO to make more resolute decisions, find a coherent strategy, and formulate more definite plans about its nuclear status. Consequently, decisions about the role of nuclear weapons within the Alliance and the associated supporting analysis are fundamental to the future identity of NATO. At the Lisbon Summit in Portugal in November 2010, the Alliance agreed to conduct the Deterrence and Defense Posture Review (DDPR). This effort is designed to answer these difficult questions prior to the upcoming NATO Summit in May 2012. The United States and its closest allies must define future threats and, in doing so, clarify NATO's identity, purpose, and corresponding force requirements. So far, NATO remains a "nuclear alliance," but it is increasingly hard to define what that means."--Publisher's website ; Mode of access: Internet.
In: New media & society: an international and interdisciplinary forum for the examination of the social dynamics of media and information change, Band 15, Heft 8, S. 1294-1311
Wikipedia is often presented within a foreshortened or idealized history of encyclopedia-making. Here we challenge this viewpoint by contextualizing Wikipedia and its modes of production on a broad temporal scale. Drawing on examples from Roman antiquity onward, but focusing on the years since 1700, we identify three forms of encyclopedic production: compulsive collection, stigmergic accumulation, and corporate production. While each could be characterized as a discrete period, we point out the existence of significant overlaps in time as well as with the production of Wikipedia today. Our analysis explores the relation of editors, their collaborators, and their modes of composition with respect to changing notions of authorship and originality. Ultimately, we hope our contribution will help scholars avoid ahistorical claims about Wikipedia, identify historical cases germane to the social scientist's concerns, and show that contemporary questions about Wikipedia have a lifespan exceeding the past decade.
In China, informal precarious work has exploded and now represents a majority of urban employment. This article explores precarious informal work by presenting a case study of migrant workers in the construction industry. Despite the fact that these workers are all unregistered migrants performing informal construction work, there exists a diversity of labour market situations, working conditions and work relations. This article introduces the concept of 'employment configuration' to analyse this diversity and to bring informal workers, who are operating outside of state regulations, back into our industrial labour relations framework. The concept of employment configuration also refocuses our attention from the dyadic worker–employer relationship to the more complex triad of the worker, the employer and the state, shedding light on varying sources of control and exploitation of these migrant workers.
Employment regime theory is used to examine whether cross-national variation in call centre job quality is a result of differences in national institutional regime, i.e. inclusivist, dualist and market regimes. Analysis of an establishment-level survey of 1734 call centres revealed that, as expected, call centre job quality was highest in inclusivist regimes (Denmark, Sweden) and higher in dualist regimes (Austria, France) than in market regimes (Canada, UK, USA). Job quality in Germany, a dualist regime, was of a similar level to that in inclusivist regimes. There was also evidence that, only within dualist regimes, job quality was higher in call centres attached to larger firms than in independent call centres. The findings suggest that national institutional regimes are still sufficiently different and influential to produce cross-national variations in job quality, and have not been weakened and homogenized as a result of the internationalization of national economies.
In: New media & society: an international and interdisciplinary forum for the examination of the social dynamics of media and information change, Band 20, Heft 10, S. 3818-3835
New forms of information and communications technology (ICT) form parts of contemporary communication. At large, connected presence (e.g. through mobile phones) is seen as something positive that facilitates social connectedness in family life. Yet, there are also instances of what we call contested connectedness. This article analyses courtroom proceedings in child custody disputes. The analyses (from 68 audio- recorded high-conflict trials) highlight how mobile phone connectedness reshapes boundaries of public/private in post-separation family life. A number of cases were chosen to illuminate different ways in which connectedness through mobile phone contacts was contested by the child or one of the parents. Three cases document recurring ways in which children's rights and responsibilities were intertwined in complex ways in post-divorce life and how mobile phone connectedness would not offer the child new rights, yet make them more responsible for monitoring their parents' unresolved problems.
Досліджується вплив політичних цінностей та орієнтацій на розвиток політичної культури у період трансформації українського суспільства. Розглядається, як формування політичних цінностей та орієнтацій пов'язане з політичною культурою та політичною соціалізацією.Аналізується зв'язок політичних ціннісних орієнтацій та політичної культури на регіональному рівні. Підкреслюється роль засобів масової інформації (у першу чергу, телебачення) у формуванні політичних поглядів та орієнтацій. ; The aim of this article is to consider the political value orienting of the Ukrainian population and to clarify its influence on the formation of the political culture and political behaviour.In the modern period the level of the adoption of the political values is determined by the degree of forming the political values orienting and by the way the person realizes ideas he or she feels important for them (e.g. – 2012 Supreme Council votes).Political traditions and values orientations intensify the pattern of behaviour that forms the political identity. Political traditions can be changed by external and internal circumstances of their reorienting.The components of the political value orienting receive new political attitudes and value orientations.In the period of changes the alternation of generations has a great impact on the person's preferences and on the formation of political traditions. Significant changes may serve the reason for ruining the system of political attitudes and value orientations that involves the chaos in all spheres of public life.The political value orienting of the Ukrainian society in the modern time is to be directed to the formation of the pattern of political behaviour that will build the base for political unity of the society and develop political culture.The democracy in Ukraine can successfully proceed subject to the formation of the political culture which is to be initiated by public organizations instead of forcing the "democracy" by the power and the foreign aid. ; Исследуется влияние политических ценностей и ориентаций на развитие политической культуры в период трансформации украинского общества. Рассматривается, как формирование политических ценностей и ориентаций связано с политической культурой и политической социализацией. Анализируется связь политических ценностных ориентаций и политической культуры на региональном уровне. Подчеркивается роль средств массовой информации (в первую очередь, телевидения) в формировании политических взглядов и ориентаций.
The proceedings of the Weizenbaum Conference 2021 "Democracy in Flux: Order, Dynamics and Voices in Digital Public Spheres" have been funded by the Federal Ministry of Education and Research of Germany (BMBF) (grant no.: 16DII121, 16DII122, 16DII123, 16DII124, 16DII125, 16DII126, 16DII127,16DII128 – "Deutsches Internet-Institut").
In: New media & society: an international and interdisciplinary forum for the examination of the social dynamics of media and information change, Band 13, Heft 1, S. 7-22
The strong concern in Chinese society about young people and the internet suggests a norm about how to relate to the net, reflecting and transcending the tension found in other societies between the societal expectations of the internet and young people's actual uses of it. This article explores how the tension between different internet discourses in China is being played out in young people's negotiation of a 'proper' wired self. Adopting a discourse analysis approach, the study shows that the participants drew on three interrelated dual interpretative repertoires. The duality inherent in these repertoires allows the informants to position themselves either as the rational, responsible and mature users or the opposite, and people who use the net differently from themselves as the 'other'.
Extant theories of member participation in unions have sought mainly to explain spot decisions to participate in collective action and therefore are limited in explaining how members can have an impact on union governance. This article conceptualizes life-long activism as informal careers that begin with politicizing life experiences, are nurtured through the fulfilment of organizational roles and develop by gaining status and skills both within the union and in the members' community. Data are reported from the Los Angeles Justice for Janitors campaign two decades after initial mobilization occurred there. Existing literature has depicted activism as a response to calculus and stimulus rather than as a search for meaningful work. An alternative perspective is advanced where the force of a calling acts as the main driver of activism in which the union is seen as a vehicle for the pursuit of social justice.
В статье рассматриваются методологические проблемы изучения взаимодействия власти и общества в развитии общего образования в России в XIX� начале ХХ века. Решение данных проблем занимало значительное место в работах отечественных учёных прошлого, пока еще мало вовлекаемых в историко-педагогический оборот. Однако огромное число таких исследований требует грамотной методологической ориентации. В статье показано, что современное решение проблемы возможно при активном использовании достижений представителей других наук, в частности юридической науки. ; The article discusses the methodological problems of studying the interaction between government and society in the development of General education in Russia in the XIX early XX century. The solution of these problems occupied a significant place in the works of Russian scientists of the past, yet little involved in historical and pedagogical turnover. However, a huge number of such studies requires proper methodological orientation. The article shows that the current problem can be solved with the active use of the achievements of representatives of other Sciences, in particular of legal science.