Suchergebnisse

Характеризуется социально-политическая обстановка в Пензенском регионе в период проведения приватизации в 1991-1993 гг. Показано, что приватизационные процессы объективно стали одним из факторов обострения социально-политической обстановки в регионе. Дается оценка политической активности населения в период запрета деятельности КПСС КП РСФСР, роспуска Верховного Совета и выхода в свет Указа № 1400. Прослежены этапы противостояния сил, выступавших за активную приватизацию, и противников проведения экономических реформ. Доказывается, что эти два лагеря в лице представителей демократического и коммунистического движений оказывали серьезное влияние на политическую обстановку, формировали повестку дня и боролись за власть в регионе. Особое внимание уделяется взаимосвязи между «непопулярными» государственными реформами и ростом социальной напряженности в Пензенской области. Делается вывод о том, что негативный экономический и политический всероссийский фон не привел к масштабным акциям социального протеста даже на этапе запрета КПСС и роспуска Советов, что можно считать заслугой политических лидеров области А. Ф. Ковлягина и А. А. Кондратьева, которые не ставили цели вовлечь население региона в открытое противостояние. ; Socio-political situation in the Penza Region at the time of privatization in 1991-1993 is characterized. It is shown that the privatization processes are objectively one of the factors worsening the socio-political situation in the region. An assessment of the political activity of the population during the banning of the Communist Party RSFSR, the dissolution of the Supreme Council and the publication of the Decree № 1400 is given. The stages of opposition of the forces for active privatization and opponents of economic reforms are presented. It is proved that the two camps represented by the democratic and communist movement had a serious impact on the political situation, formed the agenda and fight for power in the region. Particular attention is paid to the connection between the "unpopular" state reforms and the growth of social tension in the Penza Region. The conclusion is that the negative economic and political all-Russian background has not led to large-scale social protest actions even at the stage of banning of the Communist Party and the dissolution of the Soviets, which can be considered a credit to the political leaders of the region A. F. Kovlyagin and A. A. Kondratyev, who did not put target to engage the population of the region in open confrontation.

Social, economic, and technological developments are widely accepted as powerful forces that affect the role, power, and functions of nation-states. Being one of the most influential technological developments in the recent decades, the internet has come into prominence in this regard. With the use of the Internet, the monopoly of media and information controlled by official ideologies, capitalist barons, or elites is seriously challenged. Consequently the power balance between individuals and authorities in the mass media and communication has been transformed in a significant way. Though their reliability may sometimes be questionable, the number and type of information resources has increased dramatically, and accessing information has become easier substantially. People are more interconnected today than ever before. They can easily find, join, or construct their personal, social or political networks. With a number of internet applications and social media, collective reactions, social movements and activities are more organized and effective today than ever before. That is why we have seen so much social fluctuation, unrest. protest, and political activism all over the world in the last few years. Moreover new terms and phenomena like cyber-crime, cyber warfare, and cyber-attacks have urged nation-states to be more careful about the internet and increase their efforts to control it. This level of social chaos in different states and increasing cyber-crimes lead us to question the effectiveness of nation-states' controlling measures. Focusing on one state, the Republic of Türkiye, this study analyzes two important dimensions of state control efforts, prevention and prosecution. On the prevention side, I explore the effectiveness of internet access blocking. On the prosecution side, I analyze the effectiveness of prosecution in internet child pornography. The result of testing to measure the effectiveness of Internet website blocking reveals that there are significant gaps, complications, and dilemmas in these policies. A similar situation is also seen in the investigations of internet child pornography. Analysis conducted of the operational investigation files reveals that in most of the files, suspects could not be identified, traced or brought before judicial authorities. As seen in these two fields, state policing efforts of the Internet in a country are not absolute, and the Internet can be a vulnerable space in which any local or foreign actor or agents like criminals, opposition groups, terrorists can create problems for nation-states.

В статье рассматривается одна из нелегальных социальных групп современного монгольского общества «ниндзя», или черные копатели, анализируется ее влияние на социальную и экологическую безопасность Монголии. Минерально-сырьевой бум в стране коснулся не только транснациональных компаний. Простые жители, имеющие низкий уровень жизни, также оказались втянутыми в «золотую лихорадку» XXI в. Создана сеть и выстроены структуры, благодаря которым нелегально добытое золото попадает на рынки и контрабандным путем переправляется в другие страны, в основном в соседний Китай. В поисках полезных ископаемых огромная армия «ниндзя» способна негативно повлиять на природную гармонию. В местах скопления черных копателей возрастает социальная напряженность, усиливается нагрузка на объекты социальной инфраструктуры. Совершенствование законодательства в области регулирования разработки и добычи минерально-сырьевых ресурсов в стране не имеет должного эффекта, лоббирование бизнес-структурами своих интересов в органах власти нередко препятствует или блокирует реализацию принятых законов. Ответом становятся массовые протесты общественных, экологических движений и организаций, вплоть до экстремистских. Требуются кардинальные меры, направленные на защиту экологического равновесия и обеспечения социальной стабильности в обществе.The article considers one of illegal social groups of the modern Mongolian society; it is so called ninja or the black diggers. The author studies its impact on social and ecological safety of Mongolia. The mineral and raw boom which has burst in the country concerned not only the transnational companies. Simple inhabitants who have a low standard of living also were involved in a gold-rush of the 21 st century. The whole networks and structures are created thanks to which the illegally mined gold has being delivered to markets and smuggled to other countries, mostly in neighboring China. In search of minerals the huge army of ninja is capable to negatively impact on natural harmony. Social tension increases in places of black digger's accumulation; the load on the social infrastructure grows. Legislation improvement in the field of regulation of exploration and mining of mineral and raw resources in the country sometimes has no due effect. Business structures lobbying their interests in authorities quite often interfere or block implementation of the adopted laws. Performances and mass protests of social and ecological movements and organizations, up to extremist ones, become the answer to adoption of the lobbied laws. The cardinal measures directed to protection of ecological equilibrium and ensuring social stability in society are required.

Восстания «арабской весны» неожиданным образом привели к поразительно быстрому всемирному движению протеста против правительств и экономических держав. Эта внезапная и непредсказуемая вспышка протеста породила новую форму политического действия, которое можно определить как «собрания», имеющие место, когда люди оккупируют улицы и площади для того, чтобы потребовать радикальной смены политического порядка через улучшение или обновление демократии. Собрания инновационны, поскольку возникают за рамками традиционных способов выражения политического недовольства через партии, профсоюзы, общественные организации или ассоциации. У них нет ни лидера, ни программы, они поддерживают принцип ненасилия и отказываются от системы представительного правления. Этот новый способ осуществления уличной политики противостоит политике голосования, поскольку требует прямой демократии (общих собраний, открытых заседаний, отказа от решений большинства, равно распределенных обязанностей, прозрачности и т. д.), при этом горячо отстаивая принцип ненасилия. Такая приверженность является спорной: как можно свергнуть богатых и держателей власти, получающих выгоду от укрепившейся системы господства, не применяя насилия ради лишения их привилегированного положения? Статья направлена на прояснение этих вопросов путем исследования того, как обращение к насилию обсуждалось на многих собраниях. ; The "Arab Spring" uprisings have unexpectedly led to a strikingly fast and worldwide movement of opposition to governments and economic powers. This sudden and unpredictable outbreak of protest has given birth to a new form of political action, which may be called "gatherings", i.e. people taking to the streets and occupying squares to claim a radical change of the political order through demands for a better or renewed democracy. Gatherings are innovative as they arise outside traditional ways of expressing political grievances (i.e. through parties, trade unions, NGOs and associations), have neither leader nor program, advocate non violence and disavow the system of representative government. This new way to practice street politics opposes ballot box politics as it claims direct democracy (general assemblies, open meetings, no decision by a majority, equally shared responsibilities, transparency, etc.) while ardently endorsing non violence. This commitment is contentious: how can one pretend toppling the rule of the rich and the powerful who benefit from an entrenched system of domination without making use of violence to oust them from their privileged position? This article aims at clarifying the terms of this question by exploring the way resorting to violence has been debated in many of these gatherings.

En la Inglaterra de mediados del siglo XVII, inmersa en una situación de profundo conflicto social, grupos de mujeres, organizadas en torno al movimiento de los Levellers, presentaron diferentes peticiones al Parlamento, firmadas y apoyadas por miles de mujeres, que incluyen afirmaciones acerca de la posición de las mujeres en la sociedad que suponen un desafío al orden patriarcal vigente en la época. Estas peticiones estaban además respaldadas por manifestaciones masivas que buscan suscitar una toma en consideración de los escritos por parte del Parlamento; formas de protestar en cierto sentido pioneras, tanto para las protestas populares como para las específicamente femeninas. Tanto las peticiones como las respuestas del Parlamento varían y evolucionan a lo largo de los años. En este artículo se trata de analizar cómo llegan esas ideas a los escritos de estas mujeres, cuáles son sus fuentes de inspiración y el papel destacado que juegan en el proceso las sectas religiosas, cuáles son las características básicas tanto del orden patriarcal al que desafían y del orden social que se derivaba de él como del propio desafío, qué respuestas encuentran en el Parlamento, y cuáles fueron la gravedad y las consecuencias de ese cuestionamiento de la sociedad patriarcal. ; In mid 17th-century England, amid profound social conflict, a group of women associated with the Levellers movement submitted a variety of petitions to Parliament, which were signed and supported by thousands of other women. These petitions included assertions regarding the social position of women which challenged certain basic principles of the reigning patriarchal order. Moreover, they accompanied these petitions with huge public demonstrations which sought to force Parliament to take them into consideration, a form of protest which prefigured future tactics of popular and female mobilization. Both petitions and responses by Parliament varied and evolved over time. This article analyses the ideas behind the petitions, their sources of inspiration (including the remarkable influence on them of the religious sects), the features of the patriarchal order they challenged and of the social order involved in the challenge itself, Parliament's responses, and the broader consequences of this confrontation within patriarchal society.

This solo exhibition made for the Walker Arts Center is based on four UN Resolutions on Iraq dated 1990 (x2), 2002 and 2003. Each Resolution is one sentence, and each is significant not just in their claims and content, but also in their voice, grammar, sense of authority, and rule under law. Liberty is a founding and legitimising principle of the United States and liberalism in the U.S is a whole way of being and thinking. It is a type of relation between the governors and the governed, and there has never been a more concentrated vision of contemporary U.S. neo-liberal utopia than Bremers 100 orders in Iraq. These laws were put in place by the Bush administration who attempted to force more wrenching changes in one sweletering summer than the IMF has managed to enact over three decades in Latin America. These orders are core beliefs of the Neo-Conservatives and in this concentrated form it can be seen how far U.S liberal values have shifted from Roosevelt's Works Project Administration (which is a key part of the Walker Arts Center history) to a vision of the Free Market. "For the US debut of this ongoing project, Mirza and Butler transform the Walker's Medtronic Gallery into a multilayered installation and evolving social space that interrogates the shifting allegiances, contracts, and "new deals" between nation states and their citizens. A selection of video works highlights the precarious nature of this relationship as witnessed through significant geopolitical events, from the Lawyers Movement protests in Pakistan to the Arab Spring and widespread austerity rallies in Europe. Incorporated as a central feature of the exhibition, a live production set serves as the backdrop for the artists and members of the Twin Cites community to workshop, rehearse, and stage one of Bertolt Brecht's short "learning plays"—The Exception and the Rule, a tale of corruption, exploitation, and injustice". (Walker Arts Center) A program of informal public conversations and commissioned texts for the Walker's website further animate the exhibition. Other work in the exhibition include: Hold Your Ground (2012), Act 157 (2011), Act 171 and the Exception and the Rule (2009)

RESUMEN Cuando Le Corbusier ya había pasado de los cuarenta años se enfrentó a dos concursos internacionales: el Palacio de las Naciones en Ginebra (1926–31) y el Palacio de los Soviets en Moscú (1931–32) con los que intentaba acceder a grandes encargos de estado con mayor escala urbana en los que poner a prueba su ideario moderno sobre arquitectura y urbanismo. En ambos casos estuvo entre los vencedores pero por conveniencia e indecisión, los poderes políticos optaron por soluciones academicistas. Al conocer las decisiones definitivas, Le Corbusier y todos sus contactos del Movimiento Moderno orquestaron diversas polémicas ante los medios de comunicación y los gobernantes por entender que el progreso se veía lastrado por el triunfo de propuestas reaccionarias. Mediante el estudio de la correspondencia con personas particulares como Moser, Giedion, Colly o Stonorov, conservada en la Fundación Le Corbusier, se analizan las relaciones y el tono ideológico en torno a aquellas protestas. En esos textos quedan reflejados los principales rasgos que caracterizan la modernidad como su internacionalización, la seguridad en la propia misión, la defensa de lo nuevo o el método dialéctico.SUMMARY When Le Corbusier had already passed the age of forty he confronted two international competitions: the Palais des Nations in Geneva (1926–1931) and the Palace of the Soviets in Moscow (1931–32), with which he attempted to access large state commissions, with greater urban scale, in which to test his ideas about modern architecture and urbanism. In both cases he was among the winners, but through convenience and indecision the political powers opted for solutions from academicians. Upon knowing the final decisions, Le Corbusier and all his contacts in the Modern Movement orchestrated several controversies with the media, and the people in power, to convey that progress seemed burdened by the triumph of reactionary proposals. The relationships and ideological tone around those protests are analysed by studying correspondence with individuals such as Moser, Giedion, Colly or Stonorov, which are preserved in the Le Corbusier Foundation. These texts reflect the main features that characterize modernity such as its internationalization, the security in the mission itself, the defence of the new or the dialectical method.

The compilation of articles in this book originated in papers delivered at a two day workshop that took place in San José, Costa Rica, in March 2007 . This workshop is part of the Africa/Asia/Latin America Scholarly Collaborative Program jointly undertaken by APISA-CLACSO-CODESRIA with the generous support of ASDI. This Program is designed to serve as a research forum for the generation of fresh and original comparative insights on the diverse problems and challenges facing the countries of the South. In doing so, it is also hoped that the activities will contribute to the consolidation of cross-regional networking among Southern scholars, foster a scholarly culture of Southern cross-referencing, and contribute to a type of theory-building that is more closely attuned to the shared historical contexts and experiences of the countries and peoples of the South. Participants from all three continents in equal numbers are invited to each activity. Each scholar is exposed to the socio-historical contexts of other regions of the South as an input that will help to broaden their analytical perspectives and improve the overall quality of their scientific engagements. ; Preface 9 Introduction Ciska Raventós 11 Part I Civil society, public space and democratization Democratic innovation in Latin America: a first look at the Democratic Participatory Project Evelina Dagnino, Alberto Olvera and Aldo Panfichi 27 Citizens' participation and associative space Armando Chaguaceda Noriega 47 Part II Protest, contentious collective action and democratization Participation vs. Representation? The Experience of the Neighborhood Assemblies of Buenos Aires, 2001-2003 Inés Pousadela 69 Index A Time of Opportunities: the Piquetero Movement and Democratization in Argentina Gabriela Bukstein 123 Antinomies of Political Society: Implications of Uncivil Development Ajay Gudavarthy and G. Vijay 141 Part III Institutional legal reform: contribution to democratization The "Democratization" of China's Laws and Policies: two steps forward one step back from Reform and Tiananmen to Falun Gong Gillian Hui Lynn Goh 167 Innovations in Electoral Politics in Ghana's Fourth Republic: an Analysis Alexander Frempong 183 On Democratic Consolidation in the South: comments on Alexander Frempong´s Paper Jorge Rovira Mas 205 Part IV Minority rights and democracy Democracy, Minority Rights and Conflict Prevention in Asia Ashok Swain 213

En los últimos años, el aumento de proyectos de minería aurífera en América Latina ha dado lugar a toda una serie de protestas comunitarias englobadas en la consigna del "NO a la minería de oro". El conflicto de Pascua-Lama, en el chileno Valle del Huasco, fue estudiado durante cuatro meses de trabajo de campo dentro de la metodología de Investigación-Acción. A partir de aquí, se analizaron los intereses y valores defendidos por los actores involucrados en el conflicto así como sus respectivas fuerzas de poder (análisis CLIP). A través de una reconstrucción cronológica del mismo, se observó cómo el cambio de posicionamiento de los grandes agricultores locales supuso un antes y un después en el esquema de poderes. A nivel estratégico, las consultas populares de Tambogrande (Perú), Esquel (Argentina) o Sipacapa (Guatemala), entre otras, no fueron imitadas por el movimiento anti-Pascua-Lama. Aquí, se optó por la búsqueda de alianzas nacionales e internacionales para oponerse al proyecto de la transnacional Barrick Gold. Estas alianzas propiciaron un mayor acceso a los medios de comunicación que, junto con los conocimientos adquiridos por la práctica activista, supusieron un aumento del poder (un "empoderamiento") de la comunidad local. ; In recent years, the increase in gold mining projects in Latin America has given rise to a set of communitarian protests under the slogan of "No mining". Pascua-Lama conflict, in the Chilean Valley of Huasco, was studied during a four month period of field-work within the Action-Research methodology. An analysis of the interests and values defended by the actors involved in the conflict was carried out as well as of their power forces (CLIP analysis). Through conflict chronological reconstruction, it was observed that the position change of local big farmers marked a before and after in the power scheme. Strategically, the popular referendums of Tambogrande (Peru), Esquel (Argentina) or Sipacapa (Guatemala), among others, were not imitated by anti-Pascua-Lama movement. Instead, national and international alliances were made in order to oppose Barrick Gold transnational's project. These alliances favoured a greater media access, which, together with the knowledge obtained through activism, lead to local community empowerment.

In September 1901, a coalition of Christian parties won the Dutch legislative elections under the leadership of the Anti-Revolutionary Party. Colonial issues were given a strategic dimension by the new government, which strongly advocated the "moral reform" of the Netherlands' colonial policy in the Far East. The "ethical colonial policy" (1901- c.1926), which was defended both by leaders of the conservative Christian parties and by members of the worker-led social-democratic movement, aimed at fulfilling the "moral obligation" of the metropolitan state towards the native population of the East Indies. By focussing on the "moral education" of the native Javanese, this article begins by summarizing the institutional and political developments that gave birth to this "ethical policy". It then examines a number of actions taken by the colonial state in Java concerning educational policy, medical and hygienic modernisation, prison reforms and political "decentralization". The article demonstrates how these public policies were seen as contributing to the "moral reform" of the native Javanese, by introducing them to a capitalist, bureaucratic and Christian "modernity" - a modernity ultimately deemed to be contradictory with political protest and Islamic mobilization. ; En 1901, une coalition de partis chrétiens remporte les élections législatives néerlandaises. La réforme de la politique coloniale figure en tête des priorités du nouveau gouvernement, dirigé par les hommes du parti antirévolutionnaire. Il est alors question de la mise en œuvre, aux Indes orientales, d'une " politique coloniale éthique " : la justification du fait de colonisation s'énonce, en rupture avec les discours économicistes des décennies précédentes, dans les termes d'une " responsabilité morale " de la métropole envers les populations indigènes. Cet article entend restituer l'histoire de la genèse de ce paradigme de la " politique coloniale éthique " et de la mise en œuvre, à Java, de nouvelles politiques publiques axées sur l'" éducation morale " des indigènes. Il s'agit ainsi de s'intéresser en premier lieu à l'émergence, en métropole, d'une arène de débat public sur les " affaires coloniales " associant des membres des partis chrétiens conservateurs et des militants du mouvement ouvrier et des mouvances social-démocrates. Il est ensuite question de dresser un bref inventaire des mesures prises à Java, entre 1901 et 1926, dans les domaines, à l'époque idéologiquement connexes, de la scolarisation des indigènes, de la modernisation médicale et sanitaire, de la réforme du système pénitentiaire, et de la " décentralisation " politique.

In September 1901, a coalition of Christian parties won the Dutch legislative elections under the leadership of the Anti-Revolutionary Party. Colonial issues were given a strategic dimension by the new government, which strongly advocated the "moral reform" of the Netherlands' colonial policy in the Far East. The "ethical colonial policy" (1901- c.1926), which was defended both by leaders of the conservative Christian parties and by members of the worker-led social-democratic movement, aimed at fulfilling the "moral obligation" of the metropolitan state towards the native population of the East Indies. By focussing on the "moral education" of the native Javanese, this article begins by summarizing the institutional and political developments that gave birth to this "ethical policy". It then examines a number of actions taken by the colonial state in Java concerning educational policy, medical and hygienic modernisation, prison reforms and political "decentralization". The article demonstrates how these public policies were seen as contributing to the "moral reform" of the native Javanese, by introducing them to a capitalist, bureaucratic and Christian "modernity" - a modernity ultimately deemed to be contradictory with political protest and Islamic mobilization. ; En 1901, une coalition de partis chrétiens remporte les élections législatives néerlandaises. La réforme de la politique coloniale figure en tête des priorités du nouveau gouvernement, dirigé par les hommes du parti antirévolutionnaire. Il est alors question de la mise en œuvre, aux Indes orientales, d'une " politique coloniale éthique " : la justification du fait de colonisation s'énonce, en rupture avec les discours économicistes des décennies précédentes, dans les termes d'une " responsabilité morale " de la métropole envers les populations indigènes. Cet article entend restituer l'histoire de la genèse de ce paradigme de la " politique coloniale éthique " et de la mise en œuvre, à Java, de nouvelles politiques publiques axées sur l'" éducation morale " des indigènes. Il s'agit ainsi de s'intéresser en premier lieu à l'émergence, en métropole, d'une arène de débat public sur les " affaires coloniales " associant des membres des partis chrétiens conservateurs et des militants du mouvement ouvrier et des mouvances social-démocrates. Il est ensuite question de dresser un bref inventaire des mesures prises à Java, entre 1901 et 1926, dans les domaines, à l'époque idéologiquement connexes, de la scolarisation des indigènes, de la modernisation médicale et sanitaire, de la réforme du système pénitentiaire, et de la " décentralisation " politique.

Books reviewed in this article:Fred R. Myers, Painting Culture: The Making of an Aboriginal High ArtRebe Taylor, Unearthed: The Aboriginal Tasmanians of Kangaroo IslandDaniel Marc Segesser, Empire und Totaler Krieg: Australien 1905–1918Marilyn Lake, Faith: Faith Bandler, Gentle ActivistDavid Goldsworthy, Losing the Blanket: Australia and the End of Britain's EmpireBridget Griffen‐Foley, Party Games: Australian Politicians and the Media from War to DismissalEdited by Susan Ryan and Troy Bramston, The Hawke Government: A Critical RetrospectiveRae Wear, Johannes Bjelke‐Petersen: The Lord's PremierMarilyn Dodkin, Bob Carr: The Reluctant LeaderEdited by Michael Hogan and David Clune, The People's Choice. Electoral Politics in 20th Century New South Wales. Volume One: 1901 to 1927; Volume Two: 1930 to 1965; Volume Three: 1968 to 1999Verity Burgmann, Power, Profit and Protest: Australian Social Movements and GlobalisationMichael Goldsmith and Doug Munro, The Accidental Missionary: Tales of Elekana The State Trials 1163–1858 on CD‐ROM Catherine Hall, Civilising Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English Imagination, 1830 – 1867Robert Sloan, William Smith O'Brien and the Young Ireland Rebellion of 1848Edited by Robert J. Young, Under Siege: Portraits of Civilian Life in France during World War IRobert Boyce and Joseph Maiolo, eds, The Origins of the Second World War: The Debate ContinuesJürgen Tampke, Czech‐German Relations and the Politics of Central Europe: From Bohemia to the EURolf Steininger, Der Mauerbau: Die Westmächte und Adenauer in der Berlinkrise 1958–1963 [The Building of the Wall: The Western Powers and Adenauer in the Berlin Crisis, 1958–1963]Edited by Larry Eugene Jones, Crossing Boundaries. The Exclusion of Minorities In Germany and the United StatesMark Sanders, Complicities: The Intellectual and ApartheidMichael E. Brown and Šumit Ganguly, eds, Fighting Words: Language Policy and Ethnic Relations in AsiaShigeharu Tanabe and Charles F. Keyes, eds, Cultural Crisis and Social Memory: Modernity and Identity in Thailand and LaosAsa Briggs and Peter Burke, A Social History of the Media: From Gutenberg to the InternetSophie Bessis, trans. Patrick Camiller, Western Supremacy: Triumph of an Idea?Henry Milner, Civic Literacy. How Informed Citizens Make Democracy WorkM. Anne Brown, Human Rights and the Borders of Suffering: The Promotion of Human Rights in International PoliticsJanna Thompson, Taking Responsibility for the Past: Reparation and Historical InjusticePhilip B. Heymann, Terrorism, Freedom and Security: Winning Without War

The anticommunist crusade of the Federal Bureau of Investigation and its legendary director J. Edgar Hoover during the McCarthy era and the Cold War has attracted much attention from historians during the last decades, but little has been known about the Bureau's political activities during its formative years. This work breaks new ground by tracing the roots of the FBI's political surveillance to the involvement of the Bureau's predecessor, the Bureau of Investigation (BI), in the nation's first period of communist-hunting, the "Red Scare" after World War I. The book is based on the first systematic and comprehensive use of the early BI files from 1908 to 1922, which have only survived on difficult-to-read microfilms deposited in the National Archives, as well as numerous collections of personal papers. The FBI's political surveillance was not a result of popular hysteria, such as scholars used to claim, or a rational response to communist spying and the Cold War confrontation, such as a number of historians have recently argued. Instead, it was an integrated part of the attempt by the modern federal state, rooted in the Progressive Era, to regulate and control any organized opposition to the political, economic and social order, such as organized labor, radical movements and African-American protest. The detailed reconstruction of the BI's role in the Red Scare during 1919 and 1920 shows that the federal intelligence officials played a crucial role in initiating the anticommunist hysteria in the United States. Despite its small staff, the BI was able to influence national events by exchanging information with a network of patriotic groups, assisting local authorities in drafting antiradical legislation and prosecuting radicals, and using congressional committees to spread its message. The Bureau also strove to discredit the strike wave and race riots of 1919 as the work of communists. The account also throws new light on such dramatic and controversial events as the Seattle General Strike, the Centralia Massacre, and the deportation of the famous anarchists Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman. The book shows how entrenched political surveillance had become by the early 1920's and how it continued until World War II and the Cold War. Regin Schmidt, PhD, is a research fellow in the Department of History at the University of Copenhagen. Selected for the Choice Outstanding Academic Books 2002.

CLARKSON, STEPHEN. Uncle Sam and US: Globalization, Neoconservatism, and the
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vingt ans aprés. Le débat qui n'a pas eu lieu. Par Simon Langois 900MARTIN, MICHEL, dir. Andrée Ferretti : La passion de l'engagement. Discours et textes
(1964-2001). Par Denyse Côté 902ABU-LABAN, YASMEEN and CHRISTINA GABRIEL. Selling Diversity: Immigration, Multiculturalism,
Employment Equity, and Globalization. By Leslie A. Pal 905HALE, GEOFFREY, The Politics of Taxation in Canada. By Michael J. Prince 906NOLIN, PIERRE CLAUDE, Président. Le cannabis. Rapport du Comité spécial du Sénat
sur les drogues illicites. Par Line Beauchesne 907TARDY, ÉVELYNE. Les femmes et les conseils municipaux du Québec. Par Jocelyne
Praud 909PERL, ANTHONY. New Departures: Rethinking Rail Passenger Policy in the Twenty-
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théorie critique de la postmodernité. Par Ulric Deschênes 913BERNSTEIN, STEVEN. The Compromise of Liberal Environmentalism. By Matthew
Paterson 915LEISS, WILLIAM. In the Chamber of Risks: Understanding Risk Controversies. By
James Tansey 916THÉRET, BRUNO. Protection sociale et fédéralisme. L'Europe dans le miroir de
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920DRIVER, STEPHEN AND LUKE MARTELL. Blair's Britain. By Alexandra Dobrowolsky
921PALIER, BRUNO. Gouverner la Sécurité sociale. Par Jacinthe Michaud 922HOOK, GLENN D., JULIE GILSON, CHRISTOPHERW. HUGHES AND HUGO DOBSON. Japan's
International Relations: Politics, Economics and Security. By Tsuyoshi Kawasaki
927CHAPPELL, LOUISE A. Gendering Government: Feminist Engagement with the State in
Australia and Canada. By Jill Vickers 929BALDEZ, LISA. Why Women Protest: Women's Movements in Chile. By Susan
Franceschet 930HAYES, MICHAEL T. The Limits of Policy Change: Incrementalism, Worldview, and the
Rule of Law. By Andrea Migone 931GAGNON, BERNARD. La philosophie morale et politique de Charles Taylor. Par Benoît
Dubreuil 933MOSCHONAS, GERASSIMOS, Trans. GREGORY ELLIOT. In the Name of Social Democracy:
The Great Transformation: 1945 to the Present; and PIERSON, CHRISTOPHER. Hard
Choices: Social Democracy in the 21st Century. By David Laycock 935STANKIEWICZ, W. J. The Essential Stankiewicz: On the Importance of Political Theory.
By Herminio Meireles Teixeira 937BLATTBERG, CHARLES. From Pluralist to Patriotic Politics: Putting Practice First. By
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Bibliography: pages 198-213. ; This study focuses on the social and political history of Africans in Langa Township from 1927 to 1948. Langa conveniently and justifiably serves as a good case study of the urban African experience because it is the area in Greater Cape Town, during this period, where there was the largest concentration of a relatively organised, stabilised and permanent African working class community. It is also the oldest township with the deepest roots and longest evolution in Cape Town. Langa also makes an interesting area of study because the politics surrounding its evolution as an urban African segregated residential township presents it not only as an arena of social conflict between the ruler and the ruled, but also stands out as a veritable testimony of the African struggle to become an integral part of the city. The thesis traces what, initially, began as an "externalised" struggle by Africans against the forced removals from the city and Ndabeni Location to Langa and attempts to establish the continuities of this struggle within the township - i.e."internalised" struggle. African popular struggles in Langa predominantly centred around such issues as rents, railway fares, living conditions, restrictions on beer brewing and trading activities, the demand for direct municipal representation and the freedom of movement. The study explores the nature of the relationship that subsisted between the Langa residents and the Cape Town City Council and the internal social and political relations in the Langa community, paying particular attention to conflicting tendencies and the forms of resolution implemented. The thesis aims to highlight the fact that protest and resistance were the only weapons that empowered the Langa residents to fight against unilateral unpopular decisions by the local authority or central government. Flowing from these findings is an attempt to discover how the lived experiences of the Langa people, their frustrations, disillusionment, crises of expectations, translated into political consciousness and how these help us to explain the people's role in nationalist politics. Alternatively, this will help us to explain how political parties, the African National Congress (ANC), the Communist Party of South Africa (CPS A), and the National Liberation League (NLL) exploited the crises in civic matters to enhance or strengthen their support bases and with what results.