"This book examines the best language fair trial practices of the courts in arguably the most multilingual region of the world. It contains an instructive list of standards and approaches to linguistic dynamics, which may be considered a Language Fair Trial Rights Code. By way of jurisprudential analysis and scrutiny of constitutional imperatives and examination of legislation among the respective jurisdictions from the Sahel region, the Horn of Africa, to the Cape, this publication presents peculiar country specific practices and common standards towards the realisation of a fair trial in a multilingual context. The exceptionally multilingual nature of legal processes in Africa makes the standards in the region instructive towards a universal language fair trial code. The book reveals valuable lessons across jurisdictions, including those outside of Africa, and suggests measures that may be taken to improve existing approaches. It will be a valuable resource for academics, researchers and policy-makers working in the areas of Law and Language, Legal Linguistics, Forensic Linguistics, Criminal Justice and Comparative Law"--
"Almost a century since the idea of creating more humane - more human-centric - cities was brought to the fore, how far has mankind progressed towards creating a true "city with a heart"? How far off are we, and what can we do to close the gap? The first generation of smart cities showed the limits of top-down planning, in which cities contracted out design and implementation to IT providers. As residents resented paying high taxes for "smart" urban features that they did not want or use, it became plain that smart cities were not sustainable, and needed to be re-thought. "Smart City 2.0" starts the design process with understanding the needs of human residents. Little has yet been written about smart cities' second wind. This book offers leading-edge, international perspectives on Smart City 2.0. It offers an overview of the sustainable smart city concept, presents leading experts' latest thinking on strategies for a new generation of smart cities, and showcases eight implementation case studies from seven countries. All chapters are contributed by prominent, leading thinkers and practitioners from a dozen countries, representing both the developed and the developing worlds"--
Poverty and gender equality are at the heart of the 2030 Agenda and are key strategic areas for Germany's Federal Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development (BMZ). It has been often argued that poverty is gendered: at the 1995 UN World Conference on Women, 70 per cent of the world's poor was said to be female. However, that figure is not backed by sound scientific evidence. There are several challenges to examining the relationship between gender and poverty. The main one is that monetary poverty is calculated at the household level: it is not possible to distinguish the poverty status of different household members. Theoretically, it is possible to analyse poverty by gender by focusing on non-monetary dimensions, as several feminist scholars advocate. However, the most well-known indices of multidimensional poverty have the same problems as those for income poverty: they are computed at the household level. Therefore, we do not really know if – or to what extent – poverty is gendered. Recent studies conducted by IDOS researchers help fill this gap by analysing gender disparities in multidimensional poverty in more than 80 low- and middle-income countries and using individual-level indices, which encompass three dimensions: education, health and employment. This policy brief summarises the main findings of the IDOS studies and presents key policy recommendations. The research reveals the female face of poverty. In recent years, female multidimensional poverty has been higher than male multidimensional poverty almost everywhere: on average, the former is about 70 per cent higher than the latter. Depending on the specific poverty index used, women make up between 54 and 63 per cent of the impoverished population. Gender disparities vary substantially across the world: the largest disparities are visible in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) and South Asia. The research also shows that from the late 1990s/early 2000s most countries experienced increased gender disparities in poverty, a process often referred to as the "feminisation of poverty". This largely occurred in Europe and Central Asia, as well as in Latin America and the Caribbean. The very large gender disparities in MENA and South Asia have persisted for decades. The studies also find that the increase in gender disparities occurred especially in rural areas and was mostly driven by an increase in disparities in access to paid employment. To tackle the gendered nature of poverty, we recommend: • Incentivising women's employment and pro-moting the care economy. Care policies can partly free women from their care duties and/or recognise the economic value of care work, thereby increasing employment opportunities for women. Expanding the (professional) care sector – and more generally, the service sector – also creates job opportunities for women. • Adopting gender-responsive social protection. Cash transfers can benefit women in particular but should include clear gender-equality goals and be designed to challenge existing gender norms (rather than reinforce them). • Tackling gender norms. Eliminating discriminatory laws and regulations can help in the short term; education and awareness campaigns are critical in the long run. • Advocating for and realising the (gender) data revolution. It is necessary to invest in ad-hoc data collection focused on individual and female experiences of poverty.
Infolge des russischen Einmarschs in die Ukraine und des anschließenden Kriegs ist es bei der deutschen Energiewende zu einer politischen Neuausrichtung gekommen. Mit dem im Frühjahr 2022 gestarteten Osterpaket wurde eine Reihe ehrgeiziger Ziele im Bereich erneuerbarer Energien gesetzt und Gesetze verabschiedet, um zugleich Klimamaßnahmen und Energiesicherhheit zu ermöglichen. Deren Umsetzung soll Hand in Hand mit bestehenden Gesetzen, wie dem Kohleausstiegsgesetz und dem Bundesklimaschutzgesetz, erfolgen. Die Abstimmung politischer Maßnahmen und Ziele zur Minderung der Treibhausgas-Emissionen und zur Gewährleistung zuverlässiger und bezahlbarer Energie fordert eine konzertierte Politikkohärenz, nämlich die Maximierung von Synergien und Minimierung von Zielkonflikten in der Verfolgung einer Vielzahl von Zielen. Die Minimierung von Zielkonflikten gewinnt umso mehr an Bedeutung, wenn die Energiewende für alle gerecht sein und als Vehikel eines breiteren "gerechten Wandels" (just transition) dienen soll, und ist auch für die Erreichung der Ziele der Agenda 2030 für Nachhaltige Entwicklung (wozu auch "Niemanden zurücklassen" zählt) und des Übereinkommens von Paris von Bedeutung. In diesem Policy Brief werden, mit besonderem Fokus auf Nordrhein-Westfalen als einem der wichtigsten deutschen Kohlebergbauregionen, zunächst einige der wesentlichsten politischen Maßnahmen – und (In-)Kohärenzen – mit Blick auf die Energiewende beleuchtet. Im Anschluss werden – durch die Brille von Ideen, Interessen und Institutionen – wichtige politische Triebkräfte der (In-)Kohärenz von Politiken in zwei politischen Prozessen der Energiewende, die für den Elektrizitätssektor von besonderer Bedeutung sind – dem Kohleausstieg und dem Ausbau der Onshore-Windkraft –, untersucht. Wenngleich Solarkraft und grüner Wasserstoff für eine erfolgreiche Energiewende ebenfalls eine Schlüsselrolle spielen, werden sie hier nicht behandelt. Unsere Erkenntnisse basieren auf der Analyse relevanter Politikdokumente sowie 28 halbstrukturierter Interviews. Auf dem Weg zu einem "gerechten Wandel" werden zur Förderung der Kohärenz der deutschen Energiewende und als Beitrag zur laufenden Weiterentwicklung der NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie die folgenden Empfehlungen ausgesprochen. Diese könnten auch für den neu ernannten NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsbeirat von Interesse sein:• Abbau ideologischer, institutioneller und interessenbasierter Hürden ambitionierter Klimapolitik durch Politikkohärenz. In NRW sind die Einhaltung der jüngsten Versprechen eines Kohleausstiegs bis 2030 und einer Aufhebung der 1000-Meter-"Regel" (d. h. 1km zwischen Wohngebäuden und Windturbinen) zentral. Diese Selbstverpflichtungen sollten in die weiterentwickelte NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie einfließen und Einzug in die Gesetzgebung halten.• Förderung größerer politischer Gleichberechtigung bei allen Entscheidungsprozessen rund um die Energiewende auf allen Regierungsebenen (Bund, Länder und Kommunen) hin zu einer stärkeren energiedemokratie im Rahmen von Beratungs- und Beteiligungsmechanismen. Die Verminderung politischer Ungleichheiten (z. B. durch die Gründung von Genossenschaften) ist für eine erhöhte öffentliche Akzeptanz von Vorhaben zu erneuerbaren Energien, einem der Ziele der aktuellen NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie, von wesentlicher Bedeutung.• Integration von Vorstellungen der sozialen und Klimagerechtigkeit in die Energiewende-Politik, um sicherzustellen, dass die deutsche Energiewende für alle Menschen, und nicht nur für deutsche Bergleute, gerecht ist. Dabei sollten Vorstellungen von Verfahrens-, Verteilungs- und Anerkennungsgerechtigkeit berücksichtigt und in der weiterentwickelten NRW-Nachhaltigkeitsstrategie betont werden.
In pursuit of employment opportunities and increased productivity, governments and donors have the highest ambitions for technical and vocational education and training (TVET) systems. Most prominently, TVET is expected to facilitate access to employment and a qualified workforce by offering its graduates skills that the labour market demands. Beyond its employment impacts, TVET supporters also anticipate that it will improve societal outcomes such as inclusion, gender equality and social cohesion.Access to the labour market plays an essential role in allowing displaced populations to sustain their livelihoods and to foster socio-economic integration. Long-term displacement situations and a decline in resettlement opportunities have spurred the quest for local integration in countries of first asylum. It is in this context that TVET has gained additional salience in the past decade.Does TVET live up to these promises? Overall, systematic empirical evidence on the impact of TVET is limited and often inconsistent. In terms of employment and income, evidence suggests that there is a small positive effect, but time plays an important factor. Often, impacts are only seen in the medium- to long-term, and in general, programmes tend to work better for the long-term unemployed. Evidence of societal effects is even more limited; there is a large gap of knowledge on the potential social cohesion impacts of TVET. Given the amount of funding and the high expectations found in the policy discourse, it is essential to better understand if and how TVET measures contribute to achieving their self-declared goals.In this brief, we present the results of an accompanying research study of an inclusive TVET programme implemented by the German development cooperation organisation Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit (GIZ) in Ethiopia. In this programme, host and refugee participants are jointly trained, with the explicit goals of fostering social cohesion and improving employment opportunities.The results indicate that while the social cohesion effect seems remarkable on several dimensions, the income and employment effect is at best weak and materialises only for specific groups of individuals. Qualitative and quantitative evidence supports the validity of the approach to achieve social cohesion. More than design or implementation problems, the lack of stronger employment effects appears to be driven by structural context conditions like limited labour market absorption capacity, legal work permission constraints, gender barriers and similar hindering factors.We derive the following main recommendations from the analysis: TVET measures need a careful context analysis (including labour market capacities, legal work barriers) to ensure that the necessary conditions for TVET to succeed are in place. This is particularly relevant in terms of employment effects, which appear to be elusive. Inclusive TVET measures seem to be an effective tool to improve social cohesion. However, if social cohesion effects are valued not just as an "add-on" to employment effects but as primary goals, the question arises if alternative interventions might be more efficient. This question is particularly salient given the modest evidence regarding employment and income effects. The evidence base of the impact of (inclusive) TVET programmes needs to be expanded. Knowledge gaps that need to be closed include TVET's impact on displaced populations, its potential societal effects, differential gender effects, and medium- to long-term employment and income effects.
Linking trade to environmental goals is gaining momentum. Ever more discussion about trade and climate interlinkages are prevalent in both the trade and climate policy communities. The dedicated Trade Day at the 28th Conference to the Parties (COP28) of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) underlines the growing interest in trade and climate interlinkages. Given the urgency of the climate crisis, using the toolbox of trade policies to help tackle climate change should be a priority. Preferential Trade Agreements (PTAs) are a promising trade policy tool to accelerate the transition toward greener economies and help address the climate crisis. PTAs – agreements that reduce trade barriers among their parties – are mushrooming around the world and they include an increasing number of environmental provisions. These provisions in PTAs can help reduce environmentally harmful subsidies, incentivise the green transition, and favour the diffusion of environmental technologies. But so far, climate-related environmental provisions in PTAs have not been designed in ways that enable them to live up to this potential. Many such climate provisions in PTAs remain vague, weak, and not very innovative. This policy brief outlines why we should use PTAs as a policy tool; discusses pitfalls of their current design; and shows how negotiators should improve the design of climate-related provisions to unlock their full potential. We discuss three types of provisions that have the potential to strengthen climate protection through PTAs:Fossil fuel subsidies: Climate provisions in PTAs should seek to eliminate or phase down fossil fuel subsidies, provide for Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) for developing countries, and increase transparency on fossil fuel subsidies.Environmental goods and services (EGS): Climate provisions in PTAs should eliminate tariffs and non-tariff trade barriers for EGS, offer SDT for developing countries in the context of EGS, and should incentivise climate-friendly production through preferential tariffs.Investment: Climate provisions in PTAs should be designed so as to shield climate policy measures from legal challenges by providing a treaty-wide exception specifically for climate policy measures, reaffirming the right to regulate explicitly in relation to climate policy measures or carving out measures taken to address climate change from the application of Investor State Dispute Settlement (ISDS).We also outline five general policy recommendations for promoting the effectiveness of climate provisions in PTAs:1) Prioritise win-win solutions;2) facilitate the participation of non-state actors;3) strengthen capacity-building and assistance;4) enhance impact assessment, and knowledge diffusion; and 5) promote compliance and enforcement.
