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Abstract
This article investigates changes in public perceptions of science and religion in the United States between 1973 and 2018. We argue that the deepening ties between science and religion and opposing moral claims reconfigured the relationship between political identities and confidence in science and religion during this period. Our analysis of 30 waves of General Social Survey data finds that while Republicans once were more likely than Democrats to be more confident in science than religion, Democrats are now more likely to than Republicans. And, while Democrats used to be more likely than Republicans to be more confident in religion than science, this difference also reversed. These findings underscore the growing importance of political identities as predictors of confidence in science and religion and suggest that the politicization of science and religion fueled a perception that they provide not just alternative frameworks but opposing ones.

"We are in the midst of a new space race that pairs billionaire space barons with governments in an effort to exploit the cosmos for human gain. While Elon Musk and SpaceX work to establish a human presence on Mars, Jeff Bezos and Blue Origin work toward mining operations on the moon, missions to asteroids to extract resources, and millions of people living in rotating near-Earth satellite dwellings. Despite the differences in their visions, these two billionaires share a core utopian project: the salvation of humanity though the colonization of space. But we have already seen the destructive effects of this frontier spirit in the centuries-long history of European colonialism. Philosopher of religion and space enthusiast Mary-Jane Rubenstein wants to pull back the curtain on the not-so-new myths these space barons are peddling. In Astrotopia, she explains why these myths are so problematic and offers a vision for how we might approach the exploration of space in ways that don't reproduce the atrocities of humanity's previous colonial endeavors"

1. Introduction : religion, heritage and the city -- 2. Sustainable cities as a planning paradigm in India : case for religion -- 3. Religion and heritage in India's old cities : renewal for sustainable development -- 4. Hinduism and heritage : conceptual frameworks for city planning -- 5. Hinduism, heritage and sustainable development in Jaipur -- 6. Hinduism and space : place and identity in Old Jaipur -- 7. Women's right to the city : integrating Hindu religion and heritage -- 8. Religion, nature and urban development in Jaipur -- 9. Quo vadis, India? : where next for urban policy?.

I postulate that through a Hegelian reading of the ontological background that underlies the doctrine of political liberalism it is possible to expand its theoretical scope beyond the normative questions of political philosophy in which it is usually restricted under the most common readings; pragmatic and Kantian. Hegel recognizes in the historical affirmation of the principle of equal-freedom the heritage of the Christian message, but as J. Doull has argued, it is only in America that the Hegelian ideal of freedom embodied in the state has been fulfilled on this basis. From here a fundamental difference follows in the way the paradigm and ethos of liberalism are experienced in the United States and Europe, respectively. ; Postulo que a través de una lectura hegeliana del trasfondo ontológico que subyace a la doctrina del liberalismo político es posible expandir su alcance teórico más allá de las cuestiones normativas de la filosofía política en las cuales suele quedar restringido bajo las lecturas más comunes; pragmática y kantiana. Hegel reconoce en la afirmación histórica del principio de igual-libertad la herencia del mensaje cristiano, pero como ha sostenido J. Doull, es sólo en Norteamérica que el ideal hegeliano de la libertad encarnada en el Estado se ha cumplido sobre esta base. A partir de aquí se deduce una diferencia fundamental en el modo como son experimentados el paradigma y el ethos del liberalismo en los Estados Unidos y Europa, respectivamente.

"How to understand Europe's post-migrant Islam on the one hand and indigenous, anti-Islamic movements on the other? What impact will religion have on the European secular world and its regulation? How do social and economic transitions on a transnational scale challenge ethnic and religious identifications? These questions are at the very heart of the debate on multiculturalism in present-day Europe and are addressed by the authors in this book

This paper analyzes Tocqueville's Democracy in America in a new light. When viewed through Leo Strauss' conception of the theologico-political problem, a novel reading of Tocqueville is presented. This interpretation argues that one of Democracy's major themes concerns reason versus revelation. Within such a reading, it contends that Tocqueville's seminal contribution to the history of political philosophy contained within it his reluctant announcement that religion may not be able to cure the social ills liberal democracy brings with it. Mainly, this is because Tocqueville fears democracy will contribute to the decline of religion itself. Tocqueville subtlety reveals his concerns over religion's possible inadequacy, offers explanations thereof, and postulates another concept as a mitigating tool that has similar moderating effects on democratic defects: self-interest well understood.

"Die ersten drei Essays dieser Ausgabe beschäftigen sich aus unterschiedlichen Perspektiven mit der Frage, was die Gesellschaft zusammenhält. Sind es Werte, die wer definiert? Ist es soziale Teilhabe, die wie verteilt wird? Ist es Religion, die wo ihre Grenzen hat?" (Autorenreferat)

Historians have long been aware that the encounter with Europeans affected all aspects of Native American life. But were Indians the only ones changed by these cross-cultural meetings? Might the newcomers' ways, including their religious beliefs and practices, have also been altered amid their myriad contacts with native peoples? In Encounters of the Spirit, Richard W. Pointer takes up these intriguing questions in an innovative study of the religious encounter between Indians and Euro-Americans in early

Religion is a topic that businesses often ignore, in spite of 70% of the world being religious. Whether the silence results from the taboo nature of the topic or the thought that religion is a separate domain from consumption and business, it cannot be denied that it has received scant attention. Many do not realize (or resist) the idea that religion is a key contributor to a consumer's core values, which then contribute to consumption decisions, voting practices, reaction to pro-social messages and public policy, as well as donating behavior.

It is well known that the controversial German theorist Carl Schmitt understood the position of the Sovereign in theologico-political terms: as similar to that of the medieval Prince, charged with the task of preventing and deferring the end of days. An exploration of the links between Schmitt and his acknowledged intellectual mentor Thomas Hobbes reveals that, ultimately, what is at stake in such understandings of the sovereign's position is the management and control of the risk associated with the possible occurrence of catastrophic events in the future. It is argued here that such a conception of our relationship with time and infinitude has come to dominate the political, economic and even aesthetic landscape of our times. That conception is apocalyptic, authority- based, and catastrophic; it amounts to an unexpected return of religion at the very heart of modernity, on the back of seemingly secular appeals to choice and necessity, following the introduction of war at the centre of the promise of progress. ; Bien se sabe que el alemán Carl Schmitt interpretó la posición del soberano en términos teológico-políticos: como el príncipe medieval cristiano cuya función consistía en prevenir y deferir el fin. Apuntalando las cercanías entre Schmitt y su mentor intelectual Thomas Hobbes, puede verse que en últimas la posición del decisor soberano es aquí la de quien intenta administrar o controlar el riesgo de la ocurrencia de eventos catastróficos en el futuro. Se argumenta en este ensayo que dicha forma de relacionarse con la temporalidad y el infinito —apocalíptica, autoritativa, y catastrofista— caracteriza tanto a la estética como a la economía y la política de autoridad que predominan en nuestra época. Se trata de un inesperado retorno de lo religioso en el corazón mismo de la modernidad, que anima la radicalización decisionista de los discursos político y económico, y sus presentaciones en la cultura popular tras la introducción de la guerra en el centro de la promesa moderna del progreso.