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Many employees work in jobs that do not match their level of formal education. Status inconsistency theory (SIT) argues that such mismatches result in stress, dissatisfaction, political alienation, and social withdrawal. Status inconsistency may, therefore, pose a threat to social cohesion. However, extant SIT scholarship does not fully appreciate the consequences of an identification problem due to the perfect collinearity among the effects of occupation, education, and their mismatch. I review the literature and show that prior findings depend on implicit theoretical assumptions that are often implausible once spelled out. To overcome this problem, I propose a new approach to the study of mismatches that builds on recent advances in the modeling of age, period, and cohort effects. I demonstrate how a set of relatively weak assumptions that are transparently grounded in sociological theory allows for (partial) identification of mismatch effects. The empirical analysis draws on comparable large-scale survey data from the United Kingdom (UKLHS) and Germany (GSOEP), two countries with a very different institutional organization of education to job matching. Compared with previous research, I use theoretically justified identifying assumptions and provide more rigorous evidence by addressing non-random selection into mismatch. Constrained regression models show mismatch effects on work-related identities, satisfaction, and organizational integration. Contra SIT, my results suggest that the effects of mismatches do not arise from cognitive dissonance but from an expectation formation mechanism. I find only weak evidence that mismatch effects spill over into the political domain. Despite large institutional differences, the results are similar across countries.

The Impact of Trade Liberalization in the Presence of Political Distortions Political distortions are prevalent in many developing countries and can imply substantial productivity losses. Theory is ambiguous as to whether greater openness to trade amplifies or reduces the effects of such distortions. This paper shows that trade liberalization in India decreased the value of firms' political connections, suggesting a reduction in political distortions. First, using variation in firm connections stemming from political turnover, we identify that political connections increased firm performance by 10-20%. Second, we evaluate how the value of political connections changed after India's externally imposed tariff reductions, using a triple-difference and difference-in-discontinuities design. We find that political connections became substantially less valuable when tariffs on input goods were reduced. Our findings imply that access to international markets reduces firms' dependence on political connections to source input goods, thus reducing the distortionary effect of such connections. The results suggest a new margin for gains from trade in the presence of political distortions through a direct effect of trade liberalization on the prevalence of such distortions. Importing Gender Equality Gender equality remains low in many developing countries and can partly be explained by social norms. In this paper, I investigate whether trade and, in particular import, can shift gender norms. Specifically, I study whether trading and interacting with firms in countries with higher gender equality can affect firms' gender composition in India. I construct a global industry-level index of gender equality and exploit India's trade liberalization in the 1990s to study the trade-induced increased exposure to other countries' gender norms. I find that tariff reductions increased the probability of having a female worker only for firms in industries with higher exposure to gender equality. The effect is stronger for firms in industries with higher exposure to gender equality that, to a greater extent, use relationship-specific input goods. Taken together, the results suggest that trade-induced increased exposure to other countries' gender equality can influence firms' gender composition among workers. Trade-Induced Protests: Evidence from the Brazilian Trade Liberalization This paper examines whether trade liberalization can induce shifts in citizens' willingness to mobilize and participate in protests. Specifically, I study the regional effects of Brazil's trade liberalization in the 1990s. I show that regions that were exposed to larger tariff reductions experienced a relative increase in protests. Protests increased in harder-hit regions almost immediately after the liberalization, and the effect is amplified over time. By studying potential mechanisms, I show that the surge in protests follows the pattern of the trade-induced increase in income inequality and reductions in government spending.

Este artigo apresenta uma síntese conceptual sobre os movimentos sociais em rede, a fim de analisar o ciclo global de protestos e manifestações registradas entre 2009 e 2014, no contexto global da ação coletiva e articulação política na sociedade da informação. O trabalho é orientado por uma abordagem da teoria de rede conexionista. A partir do contraste entre a literatura e os casos registrados no período de estudo, um conjunto de 10 proposições teóricas para explicar a dinâmica fundamental dos movimentos sociais da rede é proposto. ; Este artículo presenta una síntesis conceptual sobre los movimientos sociales en red que permite analizar el ciclo global de protestas y movilizaciones registrado entre 2009 y 2014, dentro del contexto general de la acción colectiva y la política en red en la sociedad de la información. El trabajo está marcado por un enfoque conexionista de teoría de redes. A partir del contraste entre la literatura y los casos registrados en el período se propone un conjunto de 10 proposiciones teóricas para explicar las dinámicas fundamentales de los movimientos sociales en red. ; This paper presents a conceptual synthesis on networked social movements in order to analyze the global cycle of protests and demonstrations registered between 2009 and 2014, within the overall context of collective action and political networking in the information society. The work is oriented by a connectionist network theory approach. From the contrast between literature and the cases registered within the period of study, a set of 10 theoretical propositions to explain the fundamental dynamics of social movements network is proposed.

The concept of proportionality has been central to the retributive revival in penal theory, and underlies desert theory's normative and practical commitment to limiting punishment. Theories of punishment combining desert-based and consequentialist considerations also appeal to proportionality as a limiting condition. In this paper we argue that these claims are founded on an exaggerated idea of what proportionality can offer, and in particular fail properly to consider the institutional conditions needed to foster robust limits on the state's power to punish. The idea that appeals to proportionality as an abstract ideal can help to limit punishment is, we argue, a chimera: what has been thought of as proportionality is not a naturally existing relationship, but a product of political and social construction, cultural meaning-making, and institution-building. Drawing on evolutionary psychology and comparative political economy, we argue that philosophers and social scientists need to work together to understand how the appeal of the idea of proportionality can best be realised through substantive institutional frameworks under particular conditions.

Electronic version excludes material for which permission has not been granted by the rights holder ; This research focuses on the study of Mexican comics and films from 1969 to 1976. It uses the language of humour to understand how these media expressed contemporary social and political concerns. After reviewing theories of humour and proposing an eclectic theory to analyse visual sources, three different comic books and four films were examined in order to gain an understanding of the issues that troubled the society at the time. This eclectic theory considered academic approaches from a variety of disciplines, including philosophy, sociology, linguistics, psychology, and others. The theory of humour proposed in this thesis can be used to study humorous visual expressions from other cultures and historical times. Thus, one of the novelties of this research is the proposal of an eclectic theory of humour to study visual culture. A second original contribution of this thesis is that it proposes an approach to social history through the analysis of two relevant cultural manifestations: humour and visual culture. This work also invites us to reflect on Mexican society during the presidency of Luis Echeverría Álvarez, as well as the circumstances of the mass media and the arts, both of which enjoyed some freedom in what was called the apertura democrática. Nevertheless, since some topics were still prickly and difficult, humour helped society discuss them, kept them on the social agenda, and acted as a safety valve to express the discomfort of the members of society. Finally, this thesis considers social manifestations, such as humour, as sources through which to study culture and history; it highlights the relevance of the cultural legacy of comics which have been considered as a sub-cultural product; and it shows how we can use films to discover something new about a specific time and social group.

This re-issued work, first published in 1980, represents a work of normative political philosophy which argues positively for the centrality of the obligation to meet the various demands of social need in our society, and will be of particular interest to students of politics, philosophy, social politics and administration. Bringing the insights of analytical Political Philosophy to bear on the issues of social welfare and welfare provision, the authors discuss such issues as the basis of the sense of stigma involved in the receipt of welfare benefits, the right of welfare and the concepts of.

THE POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY OF NATION-BUILDING AND NATIONALISM IS EXAMINED AND IT IS ARGUED THAT DIFFERENT IMAGES OF NATIONALISM PRODUCE RADICALLY DIFFERENT POLITICAL GEOGRAPHIES. THE HEGELIAN TENDENCY TO VIEW NATIONALISM AS AN AUTONOMOUS SOCIAL FORCE, AND STRUCTURALIST THEORIES THAT ACCEPT THE NATION-STATE AS ENTIRELY NATURAL AND PROGRESSIVE, HAVE ENDED IN A 'STATE-CENTRED' POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY OF NATIONALISM. IN SO DOING THEY CONTRIBUTED TO THE VERY PROCESS OF NATION-BUILDING. THE PAPER PROVIDES AN ACCOUNT OF THE PRE-NATIONALIST ROOTS OF MODERN NATION-STATES AND EXAMINES POPULAR RESISTANCE TO THE 'NATIONALIZING' INSTITUTIONS OF THE CAPITALIST STATE IN THE LATE 19TH AND EARLY 20TH CENTURY. IT CRITICIZES THE DUALIST THINKING AT THE HEART OF MOST STUDIES OF NATION-BUILDING AND NATIONALISM WHICH TREAT FACTORS THAT ARE DIALECTICALLY INTERRELATED IN REALITY AS THOUGH THEY OPERATED INDEPENDENTLY OF EACH OTHER FOR THE PURPOSES OF MODELBUILDING. THROUGHOUT IT IS ARGUED THAT NATION-BUILDING AND NATIONALISM ARE BEST APPROACHED FROM A DIALECTICAL PERSPECTIVE WHICH APPRECIATES THE INTERRELATEDNESS OF THE CULTURAL AND THE POLITICAL WITH THE ECONOMIC FORCES INHERENT IN NATION-BUILDING. THE PAPER CONCLUDES WITH A BRIEF ACCOUNT OF THE ANARCHIST CRITIQUE OF THE STATE-CENTRED POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY OF CAPITALISM BY LOOKING AT KROPOTKIN'S THEORETICAL CONDEMNATION OF NATION-BUILDING AND THE CAPITALIST STATE AS BOTH NATURAL AND PROGRESSIVE.

Feminist political scientists have had a two-track response to Robert Putnam's work on social capital. They have critiqued his original approach for failing to take gender into account, but they have also highlighted the potential of the concept for illuminating mechanisms that reproduce unequal gender relations. In the British case, Peter Hall and Vivien Lowndes have shown how key elements of Putnam's measures are highly gendered. Vivien Lowndes set out a research agenda for assessing the impact of men and women's group memberships upon political participation. This article tests Lowndes' research questions using British data from the Citizenship Survey 2007. Men and women in Britain do belong to different formal associational networks but these differences do not appear to have a strong impact upon whether they participate in politics. Lowndes' critique of the social capital literature's failure to incorporate women's informal child-care networks is supported; involvement in child-care networks is positively related to political participation in the form of signing petitions and negatively related to contacting Members of Parliament. Crucially, there are small but statistically significant divergences in the types of activities men and women undertake for organised groups and these roles are associated with variations in political participation. Adapted from the source document.

Although a few research studies are available on the Kashmir, Sardar Muhammad Ibrahim Khan, Freedom Movement of Kashmir and the establishment of Azad Kashmir Government. In this paper, an attempt has made to study and analyze the role of Sardar Muhammad Ibrahim Khan in the Freedom Movement of Kashmir, especially in the Establishment of Azad Kashmir Government. Sardar Muhammad Ibrahim Khan led the country during an era when the entire subcontinent was enslave by the British Empire. He has emerged as a national leader who has brought the nation together. On 19 July 1947, he passed a resolution of Accession with Pakistan. Because of his political and social struggle on 24 October 1947 a massive area became independent and announce the revolutionary government of Azad Kashmir.