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Conflict between religion and state politics is a persistent phenomenon in human history. Hence it is not surprising that the propagation of Christianity often faces the challenge of &ldquo ; political theology&rdquo ; . When the Church of the East monk Aluoben reached China in 635 during the reign of Emperor Tang Taizong, he received the favorable invitation of the emperor to translate Christian sacred texts for the collections of Tang Imperial Library. This marks the beginning of Jingjiao (景教) mission in China. In historiographical sense, China has always been a political domineering society where the role of religion is subservient and secondary. A school of scholarship in Jingjiao studies holds that the fall of Jingjiao in China is the obvious result of its over-involvement in local politics. The flaw of such an assumption is the overlooking of the fact that in the Tang context, it is impossible for any religious establishments to avoid getting in touch with the Tang government. In the light of this notion, this article attempts to approach this issue from the perspective of &ldquo ; political theology&rdquo ; and argues that instead of over-involvement, it is rather the clashing of &ldquo ; ideologies&rdquo ; between the Jingjiao establishment and the ever-changing Tang court&rsquo ; s policies towards foreigners and religious bodies that caused the downfall of Jingjiao Christianity in China. This article will posit its argument based on the analysis of the Chinese Jingjiao canonical texts, especially the Xian Stele, and takes this as a point of departure to observe the political dynamics between Jingjiao and Tang court. The finding of this paper does show that the intellectual history of Chinese Christianity is in a sense a comprehensive history of &ldquo ; political theology&rdquo ; .

In the Apology, Socrates claims he is better off than others because he knows he does not know. This is commonly called "Socratic ignorance." To many, Socratic ignorance is incompatible with the possession of moral knowledge. Indeed, Socrates' behavior in the Socratic dialogues appears to support this view: he affirms his ignorance, cross-examines those who wrongly think themselves to be wise, and refutes them. It looks as if he exposes others' ignorance because he lacks knowledge and cannot teach. In the Gorgias, however, Socrates is much different. At a vital moment in the dialogue, he declares that he is the only one of his contemporaries to take up what he calls the "true political craft." But how is Socratic ignorance consistent with the practice of the political craft? Unfortunately, scholars have failed to fully appreciate the importance of Socrates' claim in the Gorgias. In this thesis, I argue that Socrates' claim to practice the true political craft is a central claim in the work, since he believes that his style of dialectic is the craft of justice, which is one of the branches of the true political craft. My stance, however, appears to conflict with Socrates' theory of punishment in the Gorgias. In many passages, Socrates identifies justice with the expertise of the judge, not the expertise of the dialectician. I argue that Socrates maintains that dialectic and judicial punishment are sub-crafts of justice: each sub-craft improves the condition of another person's soul without having to teach him or her the craft of justice. Although I argue that Socratic ignorance is consistent with Socrates' practice of the political craft, I do not intend to claim that the Gorgias is a Socratic dialogue. In my discussion of judicial punishment, I argue that Socrates commits himself to a conception of the soul that is incompatible with the "intellectualist" psychology he assumes in other Socratic dialogues. Since many believe that the Gorgias is a key text for central Socratic doctrines, my account should prompt us to reevaluate several prominent interpretations of Socratic philosophy.

"In this book, Ben Fine offers a selection of his key articles charting the rise of economics imperialism. Each article is accompanied by a preamble that sets the context in which it appeared, with an overall introduction drawing out the overall significance for contemporary scholarship"--

There is a long tradition of linguistic research on political discourse from various theoretical perspectives, including critical discourse analysis (see among many others Fairclough 1995, Fairclough & Fairclough 2012, Wodak 1989), lexicometric approaches (see for instance Arnold 2005, Mayaffre 2005, 2016, Mayaffre & Poudat 2013, Authors 2015a) or cognitive linguistic approaches to metaphor (see among many other Charteris Black 2011, Musolff 2004, 2013, 2016 L'Hôte 2012). In these studies, political corpora collected from discourses by political elites (presidential debates, presidential addresses, public speeches,…) often appear to be overrepresented, leaving aside other forms of political discourses such as media discourse on political issues (see however Musolff 2004, 2013) or citizen discourse. As Bougher (2012 :149) posits for metaphor analysis : "while research on metaphors in political discourse has flourished in recent years, the focus on elite communication has left metaphor's wider capacity as a reasoning tool for citizens underexplored". This results in a certain lack of representativeness of the political domain in linguistic studies. Indeed, political discourse is not restricted to the political elites alone. Advocating a more global to political corpora, including corpora from different subdomains of the political spectrum, our talk is structured in two main parts. Firstly, we will propose a quantitative bibliographic analysis aiming at assessing what type of political corpora are frequently used in linguistic research. Secondly, on the basis of previous and current analyses of different kinds of political corpora (including citizen, media and elite discourse) we have been collecting in the framework of the ADAPOF-project (see for example Authors 2015b), we will illustrate how taking this variety of political genres into account, allows us to unravel phenomena such as conceptual alignment or metaphor circulation, related to specific political issues (in this case Belgian federalism).

There is a long tradition of linguistic research on political discourse from various theoretical perspectives, including critical discourse analysis (see among many others Fairclough 1995, Fairclough & Fairclough 2012, Wodak 1989), lexicometric approaches (see for instance Arnold 2005, Mayaffre 2005, 2016, Mayaffre & Poudat 2013, Authors 2015a) or cognitive linguistic approaches to metaphor (see among many other Charteris Black 2011, Musolff 2004, 2013, 2016 L'Hôte 2012). In these studies, political corpora collected from discourses by political elites (presidential debates, presidential addresses, public speeches,…) often appear to be overrepresented, leaving aside other forms of political discourses such as media discourse on political issues (see however Musolff 2004, 2013) or citizen discourse. As Bougher (2012 :149) posits for metaphor analysis : "while research on metaphors in political discourse has flourished in recent years, the focus on elite communication has left metaphor's wider capacity as a reasoning tool for citizens underexplored". This results in a certain lack of representativeness of the political domain in linguistic studies. Indeed, political discourse is not restricted to the political elites alone. Advocating a more global to political corpora, including corpora from different subdomains of the political spectrum, our talk is structured in two main parts. Firstly, we will propose a quantitative bibliographic analysis aiming at assessing what type of political corpora are frequently used in linguistic research. Secondly, on the basis of previous and current analyses of different kinds of political corpora (including citizen, media and elite discourse) we have been collecting in the framework of the ADAPOF-project (see for example Authors 2015b), we will illustrate how taking this variety of political genres into account, allows us to unravel phenomena such as conceptual alignment or metaphor circulation, related to specific political issues (in this case Belgian federalism).

This study was concerned on the way the author explores the hidden meaning and message in semiotics signification of President Jokowi cartoons in Jakarta Post e-paper. The writer focused on five cartoons of President Jokowi published by Jakarta Post e-paper and wanted to know about the hidden meaning and message that tried to convey by the Jakarta Post e-paper. Furthermore, this research covered an interdisciplinary study that scopes semiotics and Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA, in which the researcher tried to unhook the messages and explain the linguistic means of that construct the hidden message and ideology of the cartoons. In conducting the research, the researcher used Peirce's semiotic and Van Dijk's ideological square model. The researcher used purposive sampling in taking data. The total of the data analyzed was five cartoons. From the analysis, the message conveyed in the first cartoon criticizes to President Jokowi's decision which is rated as indifference. The second cartoon also criticizes President Jokowi rated as pretend to against china's exploration. Furthermore, the third cartoon criticizes President Jokowi controlled by some political parties. Meanwhile, the fourth cartoon criticizes President Jokowi as a President uneasily defeated in a political term, but ignoring the humanity, and the last cartoon criticizes about President Jokowi and Prabowo similarities with previous President in terms of attitudes. The researcher also got the linguistic as means of used to convey the message such as the choice of a figure of speech.

International audience ; La justice médiévale et ses sources (XIII e-XV e siècles) 287 La justice et les sources judiciaires médiévales à l'aune des sciences sociales : individuation, agentivité et subjectivation Résumé.-La justice médiévale, entendue notamment selon la définition de l'Antiquité comme la capacité à « rendre à chacun ce qui lui est dû », n'a pas encore livré tous ses secrets, autant du point de vue éthique et religieux qu'institutionnel et politique. Cet article entend utiliser des concepts issus de la psychologie, de la sociologie ou de la philosophie pour analyser les mentalités, en particulier celle des justiciables, dans le contexte des nombreuses innovations judiciaires durables du XIII e siècle (appel, enquête, recours contre le roi.). Ministerium regis, État de droit, individualisme, bien commun, la transition entre la fin du Moyen Âge et la modernité se dessine alors. Abstract.-Medieval Justice, notably according to the antique definition: the fact to "give to each his own", is a very complex and not yet well known ethical and institutional phenomenon. This paper intends to use concepts taken from other fields than legal history (psychology, sociology or philosophy) to analyse medieval mentalities, especially of the litigants, in the context of many judiciary novelties (appeal, inquiry, instance against the king.). Ministerium regis, rule of law, individualism, common good, the transition between the Middles Ages and the Modern Times begins in the XIII th century.

International audience ; La justice médiévale et ses sources (XIII e-XV e siècles) 287 La justice et les sources judiciaires médiévales à l'aune des sciences sociales : individuation, agentivité et subjectivation Résumé.-La justice médiévale, entendue notamment selon la définition de l'Antiquité comme la capacité à « rendre à chacun ce qui lui est dû », n'a pas encore livré tous ses secrets, autant du point de vue éthique et religieux qu'institutionnel et politique. Cet article entend utiliser des concepts issus de la psychologie, de la sociologie ou de la philosophie pour analyser les mentalités, en particulier celle des justiciables, dans le contexte des nombreuses innovations judiciaires durables du XIII e siècle (appel, enquête, recours contre le roi.). Ministerium regis, État de droit, individualisme, bien commun, la transition entre la fin du Moyen Âge et la modernité se dessine alors. Abstract.-Medieval Justice, notably according to the antique definition: the fact to "give to each his own", is a very complex and not yet well known ethical and institutional phenomenon. This paper intends to use concepts taken from other fields than legal history (psychology, sociology or philosophy) to analyse medieval mentalities, especially of the litigants, in the context of many judiciary novelties (appeal, inquiry, instance against the king.). Ministerium regis, rule of law, individualism, common good, the transition between the Middles Ages and the Modern Times begins in the XIII th century.

Examines Turkey as an example of integration of Islamic movements into a relatively democratic political system, focusing on externalization of Islamic political identity within state-society relations, and how the Welfare Party evolved from the margins to the forefront of modern Turkish politics; 1980s and 1990s, chiefly.

Address before the Royal institute of international affairs, London, Jan. 15, 1952.

Comparative analysis of data from the Democracy & Local Governance research program shows that political power in the Slavic states of the former USSR is based on similar social & political values: social equality; dominant rights of the majority; & inequality of political participation of various social strata & groups. While local political leaders acknowledge that social conflict is undesirable, it is an inevitable component of a modern social system. Results show that leaders in Belarus are adapting very slowly to democratic principles of governing. The values of a totalitarian mentality remain strong in the face of a society in the process of transformation. It will be years before such principles become internalized values of political leaders. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

<span style="font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;,&quot;serif&quot;; font-size: 12pt; mso-fareast-font-family: &quot;Times New Roman&quot;; mso-fareast-language: EN-US; mso-ansi-language: ES-MX; mso-bidi-language: AR-SA;">El <em style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal;">Fondo de los antiguos bancos de emisión</em> se localiza en la galería cuatro del Archivo General de la Nacional, en éste se conservan libros y expedientes de varias de las instituciones de emisión, que formaron parte del primer régimen bancario mexicano. Suman un total de 3 150 volúmenes correspondientes a diecisiete de la treintena de instituciones de crédito que tuvieron vigencia entre 1882 y 1932.</span>